Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 172

Although Inoue Kaoru was not as skilled as Shibusawa in industrial development planning, he was still the chief financial and diplomatic official in the early Meiji government. He quickly understood the industrial planning concept proposed by Shibusawa Eiichi. After thinking for a while, he nodded in agreement, saying, "Leaving aside India, just the fact that China wants to develop the wastelands of northern Manchuria and Outer Heilongjiang requires an enormous amount of agricultural machinery. The only problem is, does Japan have the capability to design and manufacture this agricultural machinery? If we import oil from the United States, wouldn't that oil source be cut off if relations between Japan and the United States sour?"

Shibusawa Eiichi hesitated for a moment before explaining, "Before the Panama Canal opened, California oil could only be exported to Asia. After the Panama Canal opened, California oil could be transported to the eastern United States for processing."

Therefore, California oil will not cut off its supply to my country in the short term. However, we should also find new oil sources during this period, one being Southeast Asia and the other being Venezuela in South America.

The Maracaibo Lake region of Venezuela is said to have oil reserves as rich as those in the Gulf of Mexico and California. The only problem is that Venezuela's access to the Pacific Ocean is blocked by Central America. Even if the Panama Canal is built in the future, it will be controlled by the Americans, which is disadvantageous to us.

Therefore, by cooperating with the Colombian government to build a railway line connecting the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean, transporting oil from Lake Maracaibo to the Pacific coast, and then shipping it to Asia, we can avoid American control and gain a business partner in southern Manchuria.

This railway will not only benefit Colombia, but also allow us to export steel, thereby establishing the image of Japanese industry in southern Manchuria…”

Inoue Kaoru roughly understood why Shibusawa was so supportive of the Navy. The Navy's plan perfectly aligned with Shibusawa's dream: to allow Japan to showcase its industrial power like Europe, thereby gaining global recognition for Japan's civilized image. This was exactly the dream Shibusawa had been pursuing, and Hayashi Nobuyoshi had indeed come up with a plan that suited his tastes.

Of course, Inoue Kaoru couldn't deny that while the plan was ambitious, it wasn't empty rhetoric; almost every step was achievable, and each completed step would bring Japan closer to its ultimate goal. At least, he didn't see anything wrong with the plan; on the contrary, he felt it was far more practical than the Army's continental policy.

The army's plans were almost entirely based on divine intervention. Without divine intervention, Japan could not have defeated China in the Sino-Japanese War. In fact, even if China had lost but refused to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Japan would have lost because of its victory. Therefore, the Qing government was truly a blessing from heaven for Japan. Similarly, in this war with Russia, Japan relied on divine intervention. If the Russians hadn't genuinely not wanted to fight Japan and had concentrated their main naval forces in East Asia from the beginning, Japan would have been unable to engage in a decisive battle with such a massive Russian naval fleet.

Therefore, the army's continental policy was based on the premise that every step could be won; if it lost even once, it would almost certainly lead to total defeat, because Japan's enemies would never let Japan off the hook with retaliation. What else could such a strategy rely on but divine intervention? The reason the Japanese were so grateful for the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was because the alliance provided Japan with insurance, ensuring that Japan wouldn't lose everything in one fell swoop.

The navy's proposal focused primarily on industrial and international trade arrangements. Japan's relationships with other countries were mainly competitive, not confrontational. Even if Japan suffered one or two local setbacks, it wouldn't lead to a complete breakdown in relations and a life-or-death war. This left Japan with ample room to maneuver. As a businessman, Shibusawa naturally appreciated the navy's plan, as did Inoue Kaoru.

The opening ceremony of the Oriental Culture and Arts Foundation was undoubtedly a success. The three major foundations of Mitsui, Mitsubishi and Yasuda donated a total of more than 24 yen to the foundation, and other individual donations totaled around 7 yen. Among them, the Imperial Household Ministry donated 3000 yen in the name of Emperor Meiji, thus showing the Imperial Household's recognition of the foundation.

If we add the 100,000 yen each from the Navy and the Ministry of Education, the foundation's initial capital exceeded 500,000 yen, which is a rather astonishing figure. Tanaka Chobei purchased equipment at the Kamaishi mining site for 57,000 yen, thus establishing the Tanaka Steel Works, a leading private steel mill.

Therefore, the foundation has attracted a large number of political and business figures to serve as directors and supervisors. In terms of social influence, the foundation has already achieved its initial goals.

Although the main funders of the Oriental Culture and Arts Foundation are the Ministry of the Navy and the Ministry of Education, the foundation's daily management is directly under the command of the Cultural Division of the Naval General Staff of the Ministry of the Navy. The person in charge of the foundation's daily affairs is Isao Abe. The establishment of the foundation was carried out by him and Gengo Hyakutake. The opening ceremony held at the Imperial Hotel this time was also jointly handled by the two of them.

After leaving the small conference room, Lin Xinyi took a moment to chat with Abe Isoo. They mainly discussed several tasks to be undertaken after the foundation's establishment, one of which was bringing the Toyo Newspaper Group under its umbrella, thus providing a protective shield. The army and the Ministry of the Imperial Household were both dominated by conservatism; the forced dissolution of the People's News Agency was a sign of further tightening of speech control. Without a protective shield to resist this pressure, conservatives would inevitably launch attacks against the Toyo Newspaper Group.

After listening to Abe's report, Lin Xinyi said, "The foundation should be able to acquire shares in the Toyo Newspaper Group for 10 yen without any obstacles. Next, the foundation needs to invest in two culture-related industries: event photography and advertising."

I've met Yokota Einosuke of Yokota Trading Company a few times. He's very interested in event photography and has already reached an agreement with the Navy to film a major naval battle. I previously had Kinoshita Naoe and a few others work on a script for the major naval battle. I'll discuss it with Kinoshita again in the next day or two. If there are no problems with the script, we can officially start filming.

I hope the foundation can take this opportunity to invest in the naval battle photo album and establish a professional film company with Yokota & Co. Although current film technology is not advanced enough to broadcast images without sound, this new art form allows even illiterate people to understand the stories told by the filmmakers. This makes it easier to influence the underprivileged than newspapers. Therefore, we must strengthen the creation of film scripts and prevent films from becoming propaganda tools for the military and the sex industry.

Another area is the advertising industry. In addition to print ads in newspapers, advertising can also include short commercials at the beginning of movies. This can further expand the profitability of movies and also increase the influence of advertising.

Finally, there's the issue of investment in cinemas. Without fixed venues for screening movies, they can't become an influential art form recognized by the public. I hope people will not only see movies as entertainment, but also aspire to the kind of life depicted in them. This will help us transform people's social perceptions…”

Abe Isoo acknowledged Hayashi Shin's views on culture. At least he believed that, compared to the Heinin Shinbun, the current Toyo Newspaper, although it did not have strong support from the working class, was at least in the eyes of the working class a newspaper that was willing to tell the truth. For many moderate socialists who had left the Heinin Shinbun, they were once again motivated and did not withdraw from politics because of the dissolution of the Heinin Shinbun.

Although Abe advocated for moderate social reforms, he was well aware that if radical left-wing socialists were suppressed by the military and bureaucrats, then moderate reformism would become a thorn in the side of these soldiers and officials. Lin Xinyi's ability to preserve a platform for socialists to voice their opinions through the foundation was indeed a remarkable achievement; at least, he believed he couldn't have done it himself.

Without Lin Xinyi as their backer, most people would probably be disheartened and give up on politics after the People's News Agency disbanded; he might even go back to teaching at school. Thinking of this, Abe couldn't help but ask Lin Xinyi, "Mr. Xingde will be released from prison next month. What should we do with him then?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "The Imperial Household has a lot of opinions about him. I've inquired about it, and it's mainly because Shimoda Utako is pushing this case behind the scenes. The Army is also becoming wary of socialist theories. With these two forces combined, even if Mr. Kotoku is released from prison, he will be under close police surveillance."

Mr. Kotoku may have already made preparations, but I cannot allow the military and the Imperial Household Agency to further suppress socialist thought, as that would further create social censorship and imprison the people's minds. If the whole society shifts towards conservatism, then anti-socialist sentiments will also rise within the Navy.

Therefore, I advocate that Mr. Kotoku leave Japan temporarily after his release from prison. He could travel to Europe and America to study the workers' movement, and then go to Wuhan to research socialism. Ideally, he should return to Japan after the next emperor ascends the throne; Japan should be much freer then. Right now, our main task is to accumulate the strength of the proletariat, not to focus on struggle.”

Upon hearing the name Shimoda Utako, Abe Isoo could say nothing. The Heibun Shinbun (People's Newspaper) had attempted to portray Shimoda Utako as a femme fatale in the palace, thereby undermining the palace's prestige. Now, the palace's retaliation against them wasn't entirely innocent. Simply put, the Heibun Shinbun had made too many enemies, making itself a thorn in the side of conservatives. Kotoku Shusui, in particular, was seen as a radical leader, which was the root of Kotoku Shusui's danger.

Chapter 591

While Lin Xinyi was talking with Abe Isoo, Inoue Kaoru sent someone to find him again. This time, the person was to introduce him to someone: Goto Shinpei, the civil affairs chief of the Taiwan Governor-General's Office.

In his remarks, Inoue Kaoru praised Goto Shinpei's series of policies for governing Taiwan and hinted to Lin Hsin-yi that he hoped Goto would take the lead in land consolidation in Chiba Prefecture.

Lin Hsin-yi was certainly familiar with Goto Shinpei. The so-called three policies for governing Taiwan, namely that Taiwanese people are afraid of death, love money, and love official positions, were his doing. In 1903, he led the massacre of surrendered anti-Japanese elements, almost wiping out the backbone of Taiwan's anti-Japanese resistance, thus severely damaging Taiwan's anti-Japanese activities, and Taiwan's armed anti-Japanese activities entered a low ebb.

If history hadn't changed, with Kodama dying suddenly before the war ended and the army forced to retreat from Manchuria, Goto Shinpei would probably be working with Kodama to establish the South Manchuria Railway, a transportation control and colonial institution for Manchuria. Inoue Kaoru, ultimately a member of the Choshu clique, wouldn't completely exclude the army from this grand plan; recommending Goto, who was close to the army, was likely just leaving a crack in the door for them.

Lin Xinyi certainly wouldn't refute Inoue Kaoru's intentions to his face. After all, the plan hadn't really started yet, and everything was full of uncertainties before the funds were invested in the land of Chiba Prefecture. Therefore, he respectfully expressed that he was willing to follow the guidance of the elders.

As the two were exchanging pleasantries, someone else came looking for Lin Xinyi, so Lin Xinyi took the opportunity to excuse himself from Inoue Kaoru. After he left, Inoue asked Goto Shinpei, "What do you think?"

Goto pondered for a moment and then said, "Is the Marquis asking about people, or the plan?"

Holding his wine glass, Inoue watched Lin Xinyi's retreating figure and said unhurriedly, "You can talk about anything."

Shinpei Goto said, "Although the plan to develop Chiba Prefecture requires a large investment, the Navy's consideration is correct. When I was studying in Germany, I visited industrial cities there, and now that I think about it, Germany's heavy industry is indeed quite concentrated."

Unlike light industry, which requires relatively little investment, heavy industry demands enormous amounts of capital. This is because heavy industry relies on the constant consumption of large quantities of ore, fuel, and water, necessitating a complete overhaul of transportation and urban infrastructure. Otherwise, factories cannot maintain stable production. Providing such transportation and infrastructure for one heavy industrial factory is not significantly different from providing it for ten or dozens of factories. However, the investment required to provide transportation and infrastructure for the very first factory is substantial.

In the past, we lacked understanding of industry, and various regions built their own steel mills, but almost all of them lost money. I think the reason for the losses, as the Navy said, was that the investment in infrastructure was too large while the scale of the steel mills was too small, making it impossible to balance input and output. Now, we are focusing on building ports and factories in the Tokyo Bay area of ​​Chiba Prefecture. As long as the scale increases, the cost of steel will come down.

The initial investment may be higher, but the cost of subsequent expansion will decrease over time. The plan should be feasible.

Inoue Kaoru hadn't yet revealed the complete land development plan to Goto Shinpei. He was worried that the army might get wind of it beforehand and try to sabotage the plan. Goto's relationship with the army was too close; he might not be able to keep the secret. Therefore, it was better not to tell him yet. He casually asked, "So, what's your view on people?"

This time, Shinpei Goto thought for a long time before speaking, saying, "It's difficult to truly understand a person based on just today's meeting. However, if this plan really came from him, even if he only provided half of the idea, then he gives me the feeling of the sun at eight or nine in the morning, full of vitality, with boundless energy and imagination. There are no talents in the army with such clear thinking, including old friends."

Inoue Kaoru pondered for a while before shaking his head and saying, "No one else in the Navy could come up with such a plan. If someone did, the Navy would have brought him out long ago."

Shinpei Goto thought so too, because Nobuyoshi Hayashi was already young enough that there couldn't possibly be a monster younger than him, and if someone older than him had such talent, then the Navy wouldn't have allowed a lieutenant colonel to step up.

Thinking of this, he couldn't help but feel sorry for Kodama's death. His success in Taiwan was inseparable from Kodama's support. In fact, even before the war broke out, he had already discussed with Kodama how to manage Manchuria after the war. Taiwan was not really qualified as a colony because it didn't have any rich mineral resources. Even growing sugarcane required building irrigation systems from scratch, so so far, operations in Taiwan had been unprofitable.

However, Manchuria was different. With its vast plains, Manchuria could not only cultivate large quantities of grain but also possessed abundant mineral and forest resources. The Qing dynasty's more than two centuries of closure of Northeast China actually resulted in the region's forest resources being even richer than at the end of the Ming dynasty. Therefore, by bringing Manchuria under Japanese rule, its resources would become the cornerstone of Japan's economic development.

However, with Kodama's death, supporters of the Manchurian management theory within the army significantly weakened. Coupled with the unpredictable risks brought about by the rise of Wuhan, the army's advocacy of first digesting the Korean Peninsula gradually became the mainstream. Under these circumstances, Goto could no longer promote his Manchurian management views, since those within the army who truly trusted him were no longer there.

Thinking about this, Shinpei Goto sighed, "If the idea of ​​developing Chiba into a naval base could be combined with the development of Manchuria, then it would be the most perfect path for Japan's development. With Manchuria's coal, iron, soybeans, and timber, plus Chiba's heavy industry center, it would be a perfect plan that multiplies the resources. But now, we want to reach a peace agreement with China and have the Chinese provide these raw materials to our country. I don't think things are that simple."

Inoue Kaoru did not respond to this. If he had not known more information than Goto, his views would not have differed much from Goto's. In fact, Japan did not have any favorable conditions for peacefully utilizing the resources of China and India. After all, there were other powers competing with Japan for the former, and the latter was simply Britain's private territory. Therefore, it was meaningless for Japan to have such a cooperative idea.

However, Lin Xinyi was one of the commanders who led the Chinese Expeditionary Force into Tibet and India. What others couldn't do, Lin Xinyi might be able to accomplish. Since Lin Xinyi believed he could facilitate economic cooperation among Japan, China, and India, the possibility of success was at least very high. What he was worried about now was whether the land development project in Chiba Prefecture would provoke dissatisfaction among local prominent families, since it involved taking money from their pockets.

After the ceremony, Hayashi Shin-yi, Ito Sukeyuki, and Kawahara Kaname left together in a carriage. In the swaying carriage, they reflected on how, despite Tokyo's long history of development, its infrastructure remained a mess. Many roads were still dirt tracks from the Edo period, easily turning into puddles after rain. The slightly better roads were paved with cobblestones or small bricks. The best road in Ginza was a wooden pavement covered with asphalt; it was smooth, but it would float in heavy rain and stick to shoes in the hot summer, as Japanese people still habitually wear wooden clogs.

On such terrible roads, the passengers in the carriages naturally felt bumpy. Frankly, if they suddenly encountered a large puddle, it would be quite common for passengers to bump into the wall. The Japanese penny-pinching is vividly reflected in such details. Of course, at this time, the Japanese architectural design industry was just starting out and did not understand what urban planning and urban management were. Europe was also just beginning to explore these areas, so it was normal for the Japanese to look down on public services.

Lin Hsin-yi believed that the development of Chiba Prefecture must prioritize the road system; otherwise, even imported cars would struggle to operate smoothly on Japan's poor roads. In fact, the plains of Inner and Outer Mongolia are generally smoother than the roads around Tokyo because the inland areas receive less rain, while Tokyo Bay receives more. Therefore, the latter is less flat than the former, which is why Cai E used the still-developing automobile as a means of transportation. Once outside the Great Wall, the terrain is mostly flat plains, with at most gentle hills and some undulations.

Therefore, the attempt to establish a railway network in Outer Mongolia, connecting Heilongjiang, the interior of China, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, and the Lake Baikal region, was determined by the terrain of Outer Mongolia. Although the Hexi Corridor forms a natural passage between the interior of China and Xinjiang, the towering mountains between the Hexi Corridor and the Guanzhong Plain are far more troublesome than crossing the Altai Mountains.

Lin Xinyi, who was lost in thought, was quickly woken up by Kawahara Yoichi. Kawahara looked at him and asked, "What are you thinking about? Elder Ito is asking you what we should do next. Who should take the lead in the development plan for Chiba Prefecture? If we directly intervene, won't we lack a legitimate reason?"

After regaining his composure and organizing his thoughts, Lin Xinyi said, "The next step should be to give Minister Yamamoto a clear understanding. At the very least, we need to let him know what the Navy plans to develop Chiba Prefecture into, and ask for his support for the Navy's plans for Chiba Prefecture. Only by dispelling Minister Yamamoto's doubts can he leave the Navy with peace of mind, thus allowing for a smooth transfer of power within the Navy."

Kawahara subconsciously glanced at Ito's expression beside him. He knew very well what Lin Xinyi meant by the transfer of power within the navy. Although an agreement had been reached on this matter before, he was still somewhat unsure whether Ito would change his mind at this crucial moment.

However, Kawahara was clearly overthinking things. Ito Sukeyuki certainly wouldn't create any complications at this time, and he didn't have anyone in his pocket to replace Kawahara. If Kawahara didn't take over Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's position, then any other candidate would be subject to the joint hostility of both Yamamoto and Kawahara. Within the Navy at present, there was no one who could withstand both of these forces at the same time.

Ito was only concerned with one thing: whether Yamamoto Gonnohyōe would keep his promise. Therefore, Hayashi Shin'yō's suggestion did indeed catch his attention, and he asked, "Do you think Yamamoto Kaisō will follow our steps?"

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi carefully said, "Following our steps is the most beneficial for both sides. With Yamamoto leaving the navy for politics, the internal conflicts within the navy will be less relevant to him. He needs a united navy as a backing to achieve political success, and a navy plagued by internal strife won't offer him much support. Of course, the key issue is whether Yamamoto can trust us, which is why we're revealing our plans to him now."

If we can make Minister Yamamoto realize that Chiba Prefecture will become the foundation of the Navy, and that the Navy needs his support at the government level for the development of Chiba Prefecture, then a foundation of mutual trust will be established, because neither can do without the other.

Ito Sukeyuki nodded in agreement with Hayashi Shin'ichi's view, but after thinking for a while, he asked again, "Turning Chiba Prefecture into the base of the navy is certainly a good thing. But how can we make Chiba Prefecture the base of the navy? Just controlling the ports and factories shouldn't be enough to achieve your goal, right?"

Lin Xinyi acknowledged this, replying, "You're right. Simply controlling the port and factories isn't enough to make Chiba Prefecture the base of the navy; it merely gives the navy more social resources. To make Chiba Prefecture the base of the navy, we need to control the hearts and minds of the people of Chiba Prefecture. When everyone in Chiba Prefecture feels that the navy is one of their own, and that joining the navy is the shortcut to success, then Chiba Prefecture will naturally become the base of the navy. At that point, even without going through the government, we can make the residents of Chiba Prefecture obey us. That's what we'd call a base."

Ito Sukeyuki was clearly very interested in this, and he pressed further, "So how do we achieve the effect you described?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and then counted on his fingers, saying, "The first one is naturally the land consolidation plan. Chiba Prefecture is an agricultural area, and there isn't even a city there. The city where the prefectural capital is located is only the size of a town. According to the law, a town with a population of 5 can apply to be upgraded to a city-level administrative unit, so there isn't a single town in Chiba Prefecture with a population of more than 5."

This indicates that Chiba Prefecture has a very low proportion of urban residents and a very high proportion of rural residents. Past rural surveys show that approximately 40% of rural households are tenant farmers; these individuals do not own land and must rent land from landlords for cultivation. Landlords comprise 10-20% of the rural population, with the remainder being owner-farmers. However, some landlords reside in the village while others do not; the latter are essentially detached from agricultural life and live off rent collected in the city. Landlords residing outside the village make up about one-tenth of the total landlord population, and Tokyo has the highest concentration of such landlords.

Therefore, if we buy back the land from the landlords and then distribute it to the tenant farmers in Chiba Prefecture, most of these tenant farmers will support the Navy, since land is the lifeblood of farmers.

The second benefit is to improve the living standards of the people of Chiba Prefecture. Simply put, it's about increasing their income. Buying back land will significantly increase the income of tenant farmers, which is one way to increase people's income. Of course, developing industry can also bring about the same effect, and factory workers' incomes rise much faster than farmers'.

However, to transform farmers into workers, their educational level must first be improved; it is extremely difficult for illiterate people to operate machinery. Therefore, the third point arises: the navy should collaborate with local authorities to establish specialized schools for education and training skilled workers. These schools would not only provide factories with a large number of qualified workers but would also effectively cultivate a pool of talent for the navy within the civilian population.

Fourthly, there's the issue of transportation. Chiba Prefecture, being an agricultural region, is very close to Tokyo, but due to its underdeveloped economy, it only has one railway line connecting Choshi City and Honjo-Chiba Town on the Pacific coast, then northwest to Ryogokubashi. While the Tone River Canal allows Choshi City to reach the Tokyo area via the Tone River-Canal-Edogawa River, transportation remains quite inconvenient in most parts of the prefecture.

For agricultural products from agricultural areas and seafood from coastal fishing ports to be transported to the large market of Tokyo, convenient transportation is essential. However, Chiba Prefecture currently lacks convenient transportation. Therefore, the Navy should work with local authorities to build a road network centered on Chiba Town, connecting the Boso Peninsula with Tokyo.

To achieve these four goals, a large number of talented individuals are needed. Therefore, the fifth point is to establish rules for the navy to send personnel to civilian areas. If naval personnel can contribute to the navy's development in civilian settings, how could those areas disobey the navy's orders?

Ito Sukeyuki nodded slightly, his heart finally at ease. If Kawahara was restless because of the power transition within the Navy, then Ito Sukeyuki was now concerned about whether the Navy's proposed plan could be realized, and whether someone else would steal the fruits of victory from it.

But after hearing Lin Xinyi's words, he felt somewhat worried. After thinking for a while, he said, "You can go and persuade Yamamoto Kaisho. You can meet with him under the pretext of reporting on work, so that both sides can handle this matter quietly. What do you think, Chief of Staff Kawahara?"

Kawahara Yoichi certainly wouldn't object; if he went to say those things to Yamamoto Kaisei, wouldn't that be provoking him?

Chapter 592

Although Saito Minoru found it absurd that Hayashi Nobuyoshi had come to report to the Minister, he still verbally instructed his secretary, "The work of the Cultural Affairs Section isn't limited to the Naval General Staff; it concerns the overall morale of the Navy. It's only right that Section Chief Hayashi reports to the Minister. I'll go and tell the Minister. Arrange for him to sit in the waiting room..."

　The Naval Ministry Building is a three-story red-brick building in the Baroque style. The word Baroque originally means strange and eccentric, and classicists used it to describe this architectural style, which was considered unorthodox. This type of architecture uses a lot of curved surfaces and sculptures, so it looks dynamic and ornate. At least Lin Xinyi liked this architectural style, but the construction process was too complicated and not suitable for large-scale promotion.

　Across from the Navy Ministry building is the Foreign Ministry. Compared to the imposing Navy Ministry building, the Foreign Ministry building looks rather shabby. Of course, this is also related to the fact that the Foreign Ministry building was built earlier. The Foreign Ministry building is an early example of Western-style architecture. At that time, the Japanese did not yet understand how many different Western architectural styles there were. The Navy Ministry building, along with the Ministry of Justice building and the Supreme Court building, are all products of the last decade of the 19th century. By this time, Japan had already gained some understanding of Western civilization, which enabled them to build magnificent Baroque-style buildings.

　Hayashi Shin-yoshi, who was admiring the Ministry of Foreign Affairs building across the street from the window of the waiting room, soon received an order to be summoned by the minister. This undoubtedly surprised the other officers in the waiting room. The minister was not someone you could just see whenever you wanted. Many people in the waiting room could only ask to see Vice Minister Saito Makoto, who was in charge of the daily work of the Ministry of the Navy.

　Lieutenant Colonel Lin Xinyi, unless summoned by a minister, might wait for days without ever getting an audience. Yet Lin Xinyi was summoned by the minister in less than half an hour in the waiting room—a treatment almost on par with powerful figures in various departments. Officers unfamiliar with him began inquiring about the lieutenant colonel's identity and background, revealing a degree of bureaucratization within the military.

　Although Saito Minoru did not lower himself to personally escort Hayashi Nobuyoshi to the Minister's office, he was clearly distracted during the rest of the day. He was actually very eager to know what Hayashi Nobuyoshi had come to report to the Minister about. The last internal naval meeting had dealt a heavy blow to the authority of the Ministry of the Navy, and the Naval General Staff and other central agencies had begun actively waging a power struggle against the Ministry of the Navy.

　A centralized political system is naturally most comfortable for those in power, as they have complete control over all matters, big and small. Without their approval, even buying a few sheets of paper would be considered a violation. The Satsuma Rebellion temporarily placed the navy under the army's control, thus establishing the historical origins of a centralized naval ministry. After all, the army only issues orders to the navy as a whole, not to individual departments.

　After the Navy Ministry gained independence from the Army, it changed many of the rules established by the Army, but retained a centralized political system. At a time when the Navy was not very large and its main task was to defend the coastline, concentrating power in the Navy Ministry actually accelerated the Navy's development.

　However, with the victory in the Sino-Japanese War, the Navy shifted its responsibility from defending the homeland to controlling the waters surrounding Japan. The Ministry of the Navy found it difficult to handle the increased workload in a timely manner. For example, Taiwan was originally under the control of the Navy, but the Navy simply did not have the energy to govern Taiwan and even considered selling it out to France. Ultimately, this led to Taiwan falling under the control of the Army.

　The victory in the war against Russia further expanded the navy's control, and with the Russian threat removed, the navy's desire to expand southward soared. At this time, the Navy Ministry's desire to concentrate all power in its own hands became the biggest obstacle to the expansion of naval power. Other central departments were also very dissatisfied with the Navy Ministry's ineffective and powerless approach, which led to the rebellion against the Navy Ministry spearheaded by the Naval General Staff.

　Like Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, Saitō Makoto also came from a central bureaucratic background, but he did not adhere to a unified political system as strongly as Yamamoto. Yamamoto insisted on a unified political system in order to reform the navy and enable it to compete with the world's powerful nations, but Saitō Makoto did not have such grand ambitions for reforming the navy; his goal for the navy was simply to maintain its growth momentum.

　However, this time, the Naval General Staff's challenge to the Ministry of the Navy's authority had a greater impact on him than on Navy Minister Yamamoto. This is because the new line proposed by the Naval General Staff was intended to replace the old line, not to completely negate it; it simply meant that the old line was no longer suitable for the Japanese Navy in this new phase.

　While Navy Minister Yamamoto's past achievements are acknowledged, the navy's continued development cannot rely solely on increasing the number of warships. This puts Saito Makoto in a rather awkward position. As Yamamoto's deputy and successor, he has always upheld Yamamoto's proposed naval strategy. However, the Naval General Staff's actions have effectively buried him along with the old strategy, leaving him unable to even change direction.

　Saito Minoru had a considerable understanding of Kawahara and Togo, knowing that their talents were actually not as good as his own. Their rapid rise in status within the Navy was not due to their outstanding work in the Naval General Staff, but rather because their new approach had gained acceptance within the Navy—in other words, they had chosen the right side.

　The person who actually proposed the new route was Hayashi Shin'ichi. In other words, without Hayashi Shin'ichi's new route, Kawahara and Togo would never have been able to rebel against the Navy Ministry. Hayashi Shin'ichi's visit to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to report on his work was essentially a negotiation between the old and new forces in the Navy, and he naturally wanted to know the content of this negotiation.

　Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was wary of Hayashi Shin'yō's report, even though he had to accept the Navy's new policy. This was not only because of the support for the new policy within the Navy, but also because the Navy had politically blocked the Army, thus effectively reversing the pattern of the Army dominating and the Navy following.

　If we follow his and Saito's path, it will be quite difficult to get the army to make political concessions. Although the navy performed well in this war, forcing the army to acknowledge the navy's achievements, it is still not enough to suppress the army and establish a political structure in which the navy is dominant and the army is subordinate.

　In any case, the Korean Peninsula, which the army currently occupies, is a lifeline that Japan cannot afford to lose. This assertion put forward by Yamagata Aritomo has almost become a national consensus. Therefore, in order to defend the Korean Peninsula, the government cannot ignore the army's opinion and pour all its resources into the navy.

　One point that Hayashi Shin-yi also agreed with regarding the criticism of the old line was that the expansion of the military under the old line was based on the premise of facing the risk of war. However, after the successive destruction of the Chinese and Russian navies, Japan had lost its enemies in East Asia in the short term, and it was inappropriate to want to go beyond East Asia to challenge the powerful countries outside the region.

　In this international environment, besides providing an excuse for the army to expand its military, the navy dared not provoke war against other maritime powers. Ultimately, it merely allowed the army to complete preparations for a continental war. Once a continental war breaks out, the navy will be tied down by the army and eventually become its vassal. This is because China is not a small country like Korea that can be easily destroyed. Once a war with China begins, it will inevitably end with one side completely collapsing. Before this war is decided, all the navy's ideas are meaningless.

　Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not deny Hayashi Nobuyoshi's judgment. He could only tend to ease the contradictions between the Army and Navy and between the old and new naval policies. Otherwise, he would be negating his life's work in the Navy and ultimately causing the Navy to completely abandon him and the old policies. He would leave nothing behind in the Navy, which was an outcome he could not accept.

　The culprit behind this situation was the young man sitting in front of him, so Yamamoto was naturally very wary of him. Lin Xinyi seemed to know that Yamamoto Kai didn't have a good impression of him, so after briefly reporting on the successful holding of the foundation's ceremony yesterday, he got to the point and explained the real purpose of today's report.

　"...While the establishment of the foundation has certainly expanded the navy's influence in society, it is not enough to merely do these superficial things if the navy wants to enjoy a higher status. The navy also needs to demonstrate its capabilities in economic development in order to convince the public and the business community that the direction the navy leads the country towards is correct."

　Therefore, the cultural studies department believes that in the upcoming heavy industry construction, the Navy needs to take the initiative to guide the establishment of the heavy industry industrial chain, thereby gaining control over the development of heavy industry. Furthermore, through the planning and development of heavy industry, the Navy can improve the income and living standards of Chiba Prefecture residents, ultimately making Chiba Prefecture a model for the Navy's development of the national economy…

　Faced with Lin Xinyi's outline of the Chiba Prefecture heavy industry development plan, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe held a neutral stance. He could certainly see the benefits of the navy's dominant position in heavy industry development, but he didn't see how the plan would benefit him. By the time the Chiba Prefecture heavy industry center was established, he would have long since retired, so promoting the plan now was undoubtedly a benefit for future generations.

　Therefore, after listening, he nodded somewhat coldly to Lin Xinyi and said, "Keep this plan with me for now. I'll read it when I have time and then discuss it with Prime Minister Saionji. But don't get your hopes up too high. Developing the economy is the government's responsibility. Prime Minister Saionji may agree to develop Chiba Prefecture's heavy industry, but he may not accept the navy playing a significant role in the plan."

　Lin Xinyi did not argue with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe about how important the plan was to the navy. Instead, he looked at Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, and said sincerely, "Your Excellency, this plan is prepared for you, not for Prime Minister Saionji."

　“This is a government matter. Without Prime Minister Saionji’s support, the Navy simply cannot push forward this plan…” Yamamoto Gonbei explained to Hayashi Shinichi somewhat impatiently. But looking at the other’s motionless sitting posture, he suddenly realized something, paused for a while, and then tentatively asked as if he understood, “Do you think Prime Minister Saionji is going to step down?”

　Before Lin Xinyi could answer him, Yamamoto Gonbei quickly dismissed the idea and changed his words, saying, "Prime Minister Saionji persuaded the army to withdraw its troops, which did not provoke strong protests from the people. How could he possibly fall now? The most difficult time for the government has passed. Now it is just a matter of dealing with domestic issues. Prime Minister Saionji is more than capable of handling these troubles."

　Lin Xinyi scoffed upon hearing this, saying, "Your Excellency is too optimistic about the future of the current government. In times of peace, Prime Minister Saionji is capable of leading the country forward, but at this critical juncture, he lacks the determination and courage to judge where the country should go."

　Yamamoto Gonbei was finally intrigued by these words. He looked at Lin Xinyi and asked, "At this critical juncture? Japan just won a great victory. Are we now facing difficulties? Isn't your statement a bit sensationalist?"

　Lin Xinyi met Yamamoto Kaisho's gaze calmly and said, "Our country's victory in this war actually signifies that the goal of strengthening the military within the overall goal of enriching the nation and strengthening the military has been achieved. When our Meiji Restoration Government was first established, the goal set for the country was to enrich the nation and strengthen the military. Although our country is still far from achieving the goal of enriching the nation, for a small group of people, the country has become strong and they have also become wealthy. Therefore, the oath made at the founding of the Meiji Restoration Government can be considered to have been fulfilled."

　After all, it's impossible for every citizen to become wealthy, because the wealth of one group comes at the expense of the poverty of another. Therefore, the standard for a wealthy nation lies in the affluence of its ruling class, not in ensuring that the lower classes also live a wealthy life.

　Therefore, for the common people, the oath made by the reformed government was only half fulfilled, because they had not yet become wealthy. However, for the upper class, the goal of enriching the country and strengthening its military had been achieved in essence. The question then became where the country should go next.

　Continuing down the current path means further expanding the military's power, ignoring the people's demands for improved living standards, and ensuring the army's loyalty to the Emperor to prevent national unrest. The other path, which we advocate, is to focus on economic development while adopting a policy of temporary restraint in other areas, raising the people's living standards through industrial development.

　The current government faces two paths, either of which would allow the country to move forward. However, Prime Minister Saionji is unlikely to choose either, so the current government will remain stagnant and ultimately have no choice but to resign.

　Yamamoto Gonbei asked in surprise, "How can you be so sure that Prime Minister Saionji won't choose one of them? In fact, hasn't he already ordered the withdrawal of troops? The decision to strengthen the heavy industry base has already been approved. Do you really think he would go back on his word? What good would that do him?"

　Lin Xinyi, however, calmly explained: "Eiichi once commented on Prime Minister Saionji, saying that he was a man like Mount Fuji. Simply put, he looks magnificent and splendid from a distance, but when you get closer, he is just a rough stone."

　Therefore, in times of peace, he could act as a prime minister of peace, gaining the approval of people from all walks of life through his family background and reputation, while delegating specific tasks to his subordinates. However, in the current complex situation, Prime Minister Saionji wants to lead the government forward idly, attempting to put the problems aside, unaware that these problems are like weeds in a rice paddy; if not cleared in time, they will quickly spread throughout the field, ultimately crowding out the rice seedlings' living space.

　The withdrawal from the mainland was not the end, but the beginning. The problems within the army were no less significant than ours, only they had been masked by the continuous expansion of the military. The victorious troops did not receive the expected rewards, but instead faced orders to downsize. The Choshu faction, led by Yamagata Genro, was caught in a dilemma. The dismissal of officers from the Choshu faction was unacceptable within the faction itself, while dismissing officers from outside the Choshu faction would cause a split within the army.

　Therefore, even if Yamagata Genro acknowledged the priority of strengthening the heavy industry base at the last meeting, he would likely change his mind again due to discontent within the army and continue to propose the division increase plan to Prime Minister Saionji, at least to preserve the two divisions expanded during this war. However, what we demand is not only the disbandment of the two wartime-added divisions, but also the disbandment of the two pre-war-expanded divisions, ultimately retaining the 15 standing divisions established in 1904.