Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 105

Since Japan has expressed its intention to send troops, it means they are already prepared to do so; they just need a pretext to participate. Whether we invite them or not, we cannot stop the Japanese from entering the war, so not inviting them is actually more in our national interest. As for leaving it to the Diet to handle, it's likely that the Diet will not reach a conclusion before the Japanese order to participate in the war, in which case the issue will cease to be an issue.

Since we did not invite Japan to participate in the war, it is only natural for us to demand the return of Manchuria and Port Arthur after the war, and Japan cannot ask us for compensation.

Yuan Shikai did not care about the French question raised by Qin Lishan. He thought that such an inquiry was meaningless. As a great power, how could the French promise anything to China? So it was destined to be an inquiry that would not get a response. However, it was a good topic to cover up Japan.

Just as Yuan Shikai was pondering, Qin Lishan mentioned the main purpose of his visit: "Secondly, the reason I came to see the Governor-General is also to discuss with you how to deal with the defeat of the Beiyang First Division."

Yuan Shikai snapped out of his thoughts, looked at Qin Lishan, shook his head and sighed, and said, "To be honest, it's shameful. Although the First Division carries the name of the Beiyang Army, I really can't control it, because this division is composed of Manchus. How can a Han official like me deal with Manchus?"

Qin Lishan ignored Yuan Shikai's excuses and bluntly stated his opinion: "This is not a question of Manchus or Han Chinese; it is a question of desertion in the face of battle during a national war. If we cannot punish them severely, who will be willing to fight to the death in the future? Do Manchus have the privilege of deserting in the face of battle? Are we just going to let such a bunch of cowards ride on the heads of the people, drink their blood, and eat their flesh? I think this is the greatest injustice."

Yuan Shikai remained silent for a long time before asking in return, "So how do you plan to handle this matter?"

Qin Lishan looked at Yuan Shikai and said, "Inquire with the Ministry of War through the National Assembly, deal severely with all relevant personnel, carry out a complete reform of the First Division, punish those who deserve punishment, dismiss those who deserve dismissal, and from now on, no irrelevant persons are allowed to interfere in military affairs..."

Yuan Shikai stared at him in disbelief and said, "Are you trying to sever the lineage of the Manchus?"

Qin Lishan replied dismissively, "Since there is a National Assembly to uphold the law, the roots of the Manchus should indeed be severed."

Yuan Shikai immediately fell silent.

Chapter 371 Combined Fleet

The situation was developing far too quickly. Before the Japanese could even process China's request to join the war, the Russian fleet had already set sail. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe immediately ordered a staff officer named Yamashita to take a secret order written in his own hand to Sasebo Port, instructing him to deliver it personally to Commander-in-Chief Togo.

On the afternoon of the 10th, Staff Officer Yamamoto boarded the Mikasa, the flagship of the Combined Fleet, which was anchored in Sasebo Bay, and handed over the secret order to Commander-in-Chief Togo. On June 6, the day the Combined Fleet assembled and entered Sasebo Port, the Navy Ministry had already issued a secret order to Togo, instructing him to launch a surprise attack on enemy ships in Incheon and Port Arthur as soon as he learned of the severance of diplomatic relations between Japan and Russia.

The secret order in this letter further clarified the combat mission to Togo: first, he and the commander of the Third Fleet were required to find a way to annihilate the Russian Far East Fleet; second, to quickly advance and destroy the Russian fleet in the Yellow Sea; and third, the Third Fleet should quickly occupy Jinhae Bay to guard the Korean Strait.

Just as Staff Officer Yamashita delivered the secret order, the Navy Ministry sent a telegram requesting Togo to open it. Togo then received an imperial edict in the name of Emperor Meiji, which informed him of the latest diplomatic and political news between Japan and Russia, and mainly emphasized that the severance of diplomatic relations between Japan and Russia was imminent.

At this time, although Europe was shocked by Japan's strong protest against Russia, it did not immediately realize that a war between Japan and Russia was imminent. After all, the Indian War and the Sino-Russian War had already attracted too much of their attention. Therefore, they believed that Japan might have the desire to challenge Russia, since Russia had exposed its weaknesses, but at least there should be a process in between.

For example, the Russian Foreign Minister made every effort to negotiate with the Japanese Minister in St. Petersburg in an attempt to reopen talks on the Korean issue. Previously, Japan and Russia had a fierce dispute over the Korean issue, but the dispute ended with Japan's concessions. This was also an important reason why Russia dared to start a war with China.

But now, Russia has failed to take Beijing as planned, instead suffering an unparalleled defeat at the hands of the Chinese. For Russia, a setback in its invasion of China is a defeat for the Russian army, and the encirclement of an army group by the Chinese is an even greater defeat. A defeated nation cannot deter other challengers from their desire to attack, therefore, the Russians immediately felt the threat of war in response to Japan's unusual actions.

Even the Russian Navy Ministry, which had been strongly advocating against concessions on the Korean Peninsula issue, could only remain silent now. The reason the Navy Ministry refused to cede the Korean Peninsula to Japan was because it hoped to share the Korea Strait equally with Japan, so that Vladivostok and Port Arthur could be connected through the strait. If the Korean Peninsula fell into Japanese hands, it would mean that Japan could control the Korea Strait and cut off the sea route between Vladivostok and Port Arthur.

It was precisely because of the Admiralty's insistence that Nicholas II was unwilling to compromise with the Japanese on the Korean Peninsula issue. This was also the biggest point of contention between Kuropatkin and Alekseev. The former, from the perspective of the army, believed that the Korean Peninsula should be abandoned and a compromise should be reached with Japan, and even South Manchuria should be temporarily abandoned, because there were too many Chinese in South Manchuria, making the region difficult to assimilate.

However, Alekseyev, who dreamed of opening up a Pacific outlet for the navy, completely disagreed with Kuropatkin's view. From a naval perspective, as long as Vladivostok, the Korean Peninsula, and Port Arthur were controlled, not only would Japan be forced to remain obediently confined to the Japanese archipelago, but the entire Manchuria would also be unable to resist Russian rule.

Nicholas II's decision to choose the navy over the army left Russia with two enemies in the Far East. Previously, Kurobatkin and Alekseev had touted that Russia's army and navy were far superior to Japan's, therefore Japan would not dare challenge Russia's interests in the Far East; the only question was where Russia should occupy first. Nicholas II completely believed their nonsense.

But now, the war with the Chinese has completely shattered Kurobatkin's grandiose claims. In 1903, the War Ministry made a prediction about the war between Russia and Japan. War Minister Kurobatkin argued that, "Assuming the war lasts for a year and a half, we will spend seven or eight hundred million rubles on military expenses and suffer 30,000 to 50,000 casualties in our army of about 300,000, but victory will be ours."

Now, Russia's war against China has lasted for more than 10 months. Not counting the military expenses previously incurred in Manchuria, they have already spent 3 million rubles on this war, with nearly 2 casualties. If Starklberg's troops cannot break out, the number will rise to more than 4. Victory is still a long way off for Russia.

Under such circumstances, with Japan joining the war, Russia had no choice but to begin mobilizing troops from the region west of the Ural Mountains. Previously, Russia had mobilized troops from the region east of the Ural Mountains. Compared to Russian peasants in the European part of Russia, Russian peasants in the Asian part of Russia were more obedient to government orders.

With liberalism rampant in Russia, the addition of a conscription order was a recipe for disaster, and anyone with a brain could guess the consequences. However, no one dared tell the Tsar this fact; after all, the bureaucrats had been deceiving him, claiming they had governed the country well and that the people's love for him had never faded.

Therefore, Russian bureaucrats could only analyze the situation from a military perspective. Confronting two major powers simultaneously in the Far East was far too dangerous. Even with the Trans-Siberian Railway already operational, they couldn't transport all their European troops to the Far East.

According to Kuropatkin's calculations, Japan's population of 37 million, even with a mobilization rate of 1%, amounts to 370,000 people. This is acceptable for Russia, given that it already has over 1 million active-duty soldiers, and mobilizing more would immediately bring it over 3 million. However, adding China changes the situation. Even with a 1% mobilization rate, China could mobilize 4 million people. Even if China could only mobilize a quarter of that, it would still exceed 1 million.

In the past, Russia did not regard China as a major power because China had no mobilization capacity at all. The relationship between China's army and civilians was hostile. The Chinese government used the army to suppress civilian resistance, so it was impossible for the people to wield military power.

The Boxer Rebellion demonstrated to other countries the Chinese people's capacity for mobilization, provided they were freed from the shackles of the Manchu Qing dynasty. This is why Waldersee believed China was unconquerable. A mobilized nationalist nation, even with outdated weaponry, cannot be defeated by tens of thousands of soldiers; moreover, China, a populous nation, possessed virtually limitless human resources.

In this Sino-Russian war, the Russians have already tasted the bitter fruit of Waldersee's fears. The Beiyang and Wuhan armies alone have already put the Russian army in a dilemma along the Shanhaiguan and Zhangjiakou line. Therefore, they naturally do not want hundreds of thousands of better-organized Japanese troops to appear behind them.

However, the Japanese side remained silent and refused to give St. Petersburg any response. On the Japanese Navy side, after receiving the secret order and imperial decree, Togo Heihachiro immediately convened a meeting at 1:11 AM on the Mikasa with the commanders-in-chief of the Combined Fleet, the commanders of each squadron, the commanders of each torpedo boat squadron and torpedo boat squadron, and the captains of each ship.

At the meeting, Togo first read out the Emperor's edict, and then announced the Navy's secret order. He spent nearly an hour just explaining why the Navy was launching an attack on Russia. It wasn't until 2 a.m. that Togo Heihachiro issued his first order: "Departure operations will begin at 9 a.m. this morning."

Next, Togo issued the Combined Fleet's first order: "Our Combined Fleet shall immediately proceed into the Yellow Sea to destroy the enemy fleets at Port Arthur and Incheon. Commander Uryu 4th Squadron, along with the Asama and the 9th and 14th Submarine Squadrons, shall defend Incheon against the enemy and cover the landing of the army in front of us."

The First, Second, and Third Squadrons, along with all destroyer fleets, are to proceed to Port Arthur. Destroyers may launch a night attack on enemy ships, followed by a full-scale assault by the fleet the following day. This battle is a matter of national security; all officers and men must give their utmost effort!

Togo had essentially altered the Navy Ministry's secret orders, changing the plan from launching an attack upon receiving news of the severance of diplomatic relations to launching an attack immediately. This method of initiating war without a declaration of war was a replica of the First Sino-Japanese War.

The Japanese naval officers present were not excited, for their opponent today was not the aging and incompetent Qing Empire, but the Russian Empire, a true great power that even the British feared. Even though the Russians had lost face on land, Japan remained like a spoiled child in the face of Russia's vast territory and war potential.

However, at this moment, Captain Shimamura began to explain his plan for a night raid on Dalian Port and Port Arthur using destroyers. Shimamura's plan was quite meticulous, which eased the tension among the naval officers present. If this plan succeeded, they would no longer need to worry about the Russian fleet in Port Arthur, and could focus solely on intercepting the Russian detachment in the Bohai Sea. The annihilation of this Russian fleet would give the Japanese Navy complete control of the Yellow Sea.

At 9:00 AM on June 11, the Mikasa issued the order to depart immediately. The Chitose, a protected cruiser located east of Sasebo Harbor, was the first to leave the port, followed by several cruisers in the same formation, then the destroyer fleet and torpedo boat squadron. By 11:00 AM, the main ships of the Combined Fleet finally began to move. The departure operation alone took 5 hours until the last troop transport ship, the Kinshu Maru, was launched. In total, there were more than 70 ships involved.

Many Japanese people from the surrounding area came to watch the departure. If the Russians had sent a few spies to Japan, the Japanese Combined Fleet's actions would not have been concealed. However, the Russians never considered foreign military intelligence to be of great importance; their focus was always on domestic populists.

On the evening of the 12th, the main force of the Combined Fleet arrived in the waters of the Lichangshan Islands, which was the Combined Fleet's designated anchorage. From there, they would launch attacks on Lushunkou and Dalian Bay.

The first to fire was actually the Russian ship, the Korean ship Koryo-jin. The 13 warships of the Fourth Squadron, led by Gusa, entered the waterway leading to Incheon Port in turn, making the Koryo-jin, which wanted to leave, feel the danger. Therefore, it fired a shot at the Japanese torpedo boat that was approaching it.

However, the Japanese ships did not retaliate, and the Korean ship was forced to retreat back into the harbor. At 22 p.m., Gusou Gaikichi issued an ultimatum to the Russian ships Varyag, Korean ship, and Songhua River in the harbor, demanding that they withdraw from Incheon Port by noon the next day, "otherwise you will bear full responsibility for the fighting that took place in the harbor."

Chapter 372 Battle of Port Arthur

In 1900 and 1903, the Russian Naval Academy conducted two map simulations of the Russo-Japanese War, both of which predicted a Japanese surprise attack on Russian Far Eastern territories. The 1903 simulation, in particular, assumed the war would break out in 1905, after Russia's naval construction program was completed, because Japan was dissatisfied with the Russian occupation of Manchuria and the Russian army was suffering from rampant attacks by Manchurian bandits, leading Japan to decide to take the risk.

In this simulation, Russian Commander-in-Chief, Captain Dobrotvolsky, pointed out in his report that "the decisive factor in this war is whether the troops transported by Japan are blocked by the Russian Navy. Therefore, Japan must defeat the Russian Navy forces located in Port Arthur and Vladivostok one by one. Thus, the best course of action for Japan is to launch a surprise attack without issuing a declaration of war in advance."

…Given the current state of our navy, if our fleet were attacked while anchored, it would be completely annihilated. Since our fleet is usually anchored at the outer wharf of Lushun or in the undefended Dalian Bay, if it were suddenly attacked by Japanese torpedo boats, our ships would likely cease to exist within minutes.

Of course, this was only the opinion of a colonel, not that of the Russian marshals and generals. In their eyes, the Japanese surprise attack on the Russian army in this simulation was insignificant. It was merely a setting for the start of the war, a noble reason for Russia to retaliate against Japan. Therefore, the staff officers could do as they pleased. What was really important was the latter part of the plan: the Russian counterattack and landing on the Japanese archipelago, and the complete takeover of the Korean Peninsula.

In other words, from the perspective of the Russian leadership, Japan's surprise attack on the Russian forces in the Far East was merely a pretext to draw out the Russian army's occupation of the Korean Peninsula. Even if Japan had not launched the surprise attack on the Russian forces in the Far East, the Russian army would have followed this procedure to defeat Japan and seize the Korean Peninsula in the future.

Of course, the Russians did not anticipate that what they considered unimportant would actually happen in 1905. It was not the Manchurian bandits who were rampant, but the Chinese army that was locked in a stalemate with the Russian army. Japan did not make up its mind to take the risk in 1905, but ten months after the outbreak of the Sino-Russian War, Japan finally made up its mind.

However, the Russian generals in the Far East never considered that the Japanese would actually launch a surprise attack. They did not participate in the map simulation of the Russo-Japanese War, and naturally they would not look for a reason for a Japanese surprise attack to start a war. In practice, the war was always initiated by the Russian army provoking and expanding its actual controlled areas. Japan's constant concessions made the Russian army in the Far East have no reason to believe that the Japanese would take the risk.

Therefore, when news spread that Japan was about to join the war, the first reaction of the Russian army in the Far East was not to strengthen its defenses, but to order all units to remain calm and not to spread rumors that would disturb morale. This was because the Russian army in the Far East had not prepared a plan to fight against two major powers simultaneously, and the war against China had entered a phase of continuous defeats. Most importantly, the Chinese in Manchuria began to launch repeated attacks on Russian garrisons and warehouses.

In this situation, if it were further confirmed that Japan was going to attack the Russian army, then the Russian military and civilians in Manchuria would be plunged into a state of panic, which would be a greater disaster than the Boxer Rebellion in 1900.

On June 11, the Japanese minister to Russia delivered a letter of severance of diplomatic relations to Russian Foreign Minister Ramsdorf, at which time the Japanese Combined Fleet had already begun to set sail. Ramsdorf was unaware of this and was still trying to prevent Russia and Japan from going to war, so he first met with the British minister, hoping that Britain could mediate.

This was clearly a disastrous decision. Although the British Minister to Russia was inclined to mediate the Russo-Japanese conflict because he personally believed it would bring Russia closer to Britain, thus completing the encirclement of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy by Britain, France, and Russia, which was precisely the European balancing strategy of the British Foreign Office.

However, the British Foreign Secretary knew that the Japanese Combined Fleet had already set sail, a result achieved with strong British support. Instead of informing the British Minister to Russia of this, the Foreign Secretary proceeded with the usual procedure by sending a telegram to the British Minister to Japan, requesting him to convey Russia's desire for peace to the Japanese side, as requested by the Russian government.

Through this double-dealing tactic, Britain successfully distanced itself from the war. In reality, Britain was the true war planner. Without Britain's indulgence and support, the Chinese government would not have been able to resist the Russian army under the threat of Wuhan, and Japan would not have prepared for the Russo-Japanese War for several years.

At 4 p.m. on June 11 (9 a.m. in St. Petersburg), Foreign Minister Komura summoned Russian Minister Rosen to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, informed him that Japan and Russia were severing diplomatic relations, and stated that Minister Kurino would be withdrawn immediately. However, since there were no suitable flights, Minister Rosen could postpone his departure for a few days, and the Japanese government would guarantee his safety.

Because the Japanese government refused to allow the Russians to send telegrams, Minister Rosen, who knew that Japan had actually declared war on Russia, had no way to pass the message to Port Arthur.

On the morning of June 12, before breakfast, Alexeyev met with Guo Gaoyi, an envoy from Seoul carrying a letter from the Minister of the Interior. The Korean informed him that the Japanese army was advancing towards Incheon, but the governor believed that the Korean emperor should remain calm and that it was not appropriate for Russia to intervene in the Korean Peninsula issue at this time. In other words, Alexeyev at this point viewed the Japanese army's actions as a plot against the Korean Peninsula rather than against the Russian army.

On June 12, St. Petersburg newspapers did not report the announcement of the severance of diplomatic relations between Japan and Russia. Instead, the Novaya Gazeta reported that Japanese residents in Vladivostok were suddenly leaving. The newspaper commented: "Are we on the eve of war, or are we on a road that, though not smooth, has valleys and dangers, still leads to peace?"

However, not all Russians were delusional. For example, the staff of the Port Arthur fleet submitted a report to Alekseyev on the afternoon of the 12th, expressing concern about the situation. The report recommended that two cruisers be dispatched to monitor Japanese naval vessels and transport ships heading towards Incheon, and that one cruiser be dispatched to guard against Japanese naval vessels heading towards Port Arthur.

However, Alexeyev at this time pinned his hopes on resolving the Russo-Japanese issue through diplomatic means, advocating against actions that would excessively provoke Japan. He argued that if the Japanese perceived Russia as intent on interfering in Korean affairs, then war between Russia and Japan would be irreversible. After the war, Russians were extremely dissatisfied with Alexeyev's actions, remarking, "It's truly an unprecedented absurdity that a group of people who pushed Russia into war would suddenly become rational when war actually arrived."

So, at 11:08 PM on June 12th, when the Japanese destroyer fleet arrived at the anchorage outside Port Arthur, they were met with a group of unsuspecting Russian warships. The reason the Russian warships were stationed outside the harbor was because Port Arthur was a deep-water port with a narrow entrance but a wide interior. If the outer harbor were blocked, the fleet inside would be rendered useless. Therefore, controlling the outer harbor was a primary task of the Russian Pacific Fleet during the war.

Of course, because the Russian army had sent some warships to escort the army to land in Qinhuangdao, the Japanese destroyer fleet saw far fewer warships at the anchorage outside Lushun than usual. In particular, the remaining battleships were all in the inner harbor, so only some old warships were moored in the outer harbor.

At 6:28 on June 13, the destroyer Shiraun of the First Squadron fired a torpedo at each of the two Russian ships. The torpedoes struck the Russian ships, creating high columns of water, and the flash of the explosions marked the beginning of the battle. The last Japanese destroyer launched its attack at 1:25 AM. Because this destroyer had lost contact with the squadron, it decided to launch an attack alone, arriving late after the main force had left.

Its actions threw the Russian Navy into complete chaos. Unsure how many more Japanese destroyers lay in ambush in the darkness, they continued firing into the night until 3:00 AM. The eleven destroyers of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Destroyer Squadrons achieved the following results that night: damaging the cruiser *Minister* and the armored cruiser *Bayan*, causing these two Russian warships to run aground in the outer anchorage. The 4th and 5th Destroyer Squadrons gained nothing in Dalian Bay, as the Russians had not even stationed any warships there.

Alexeyev was furious at the fact that the Japanese had launched a war without a declaration of war. In his view, as all Europeans believed, a severance of diplomatic relations was not the same as a declaration of war, but the Japanese monkeys had ignored this point. This was clearly not something a civilized nation would do. However, he had no time to be angry now, because the Japanese Combined Fleet appeared outside Port Arthur at dawn.

However, the Russians calmed down at this point and did not blindly open fire just because Japanese warships appeared outside the harbor. The first wave of Japanese warships to appear outside the harbor was the Third Squadron, consisting of four protected cruisers led by Dewa Shigeto. His mission was to find out the firepower of the coastal fortifications of Port Arthur and lure the Russian warships out, but the Russians ignored Dewa Shigeto's provocation.

Around noon, the main force of the Combined Fleet, led by Admiral Togo Heihachiro, arrived off the coast of Port Arthur. Fifteen warships formed a three-nautical-mile-long battle line from west to east and launched a probing attack on Port Arthur. Unable to see inside Port Arthur, the Japanese ships could only employ area-of-effect fire. Russian ships anchored in the harbor were hit in this manner, but the Russians were not without the means to retaliate.

The Russian coastal artillery, which had remained silent until then, began to retaliate. At 12:11, a 10-inch shell was fired from the Golden Hill anti-aircraft gun battery and hit the starboard side of the flagship Mikasa. The shell bounced up and hit the mainmast and exploded. A minute later, another 10-inch shell passed over the mainmast of the Mikasa and broke the rope that was flying the battle flag.

At 12:15, a 10-inch shell fired from the Mantoushan artillery fortress hit the forward bridge of the Fuji. Although it did not explode, the shell traveled through the hull and finally through the forward funnel, exiting from the port side, causing more than a dozen casualties.

Half an hour later, the Combined Fleet's attack on Port Arthur from the sea came to an end. The fierce coastal artillery fire from the Russians finally brought Togo and Shimamura to their senses. It was clearly unrealistic to attack and occupy Port Arthur from the sea. Togo then issued Operation Order No. 2, ordering a small number of warships to monitor Port Arthur and intercept the Russian squadron returning from the Bohai Sea, and to annihilate it outside Port Arthur.

Meanwhile, the Russo-Japanese naval battle at Incheon was nearing its end. Although Russia had three warships there, the Songhuajiang was merely an inland gunboat, and the only truly combat-capable vessel was the Varyag. However, Guliyukichi possessed 14 warships. Therefore, the Russians abandoned the Songhuajiang and only launched an attack with the Varyag and the Koryojin in an attempt to escape Incheon. However, surrounded by Japanese warships, the Russian warships struggled for an hour without success. To prevent their warships from being captured by the Japanese, the Russians retreated to Incheon. After landing, they destroyed the two warships, thus ending the Incheon naval battle.

Chapter 373 Russia and Japan Declare War

There is a seven-hour time difference between St. Petersburg and Port Arthur. When the Japanese destroyer launched torpedoes at the Russian ship in Port Arthur, it was 4:30 p.m. on June 13 in St. Petersburg. That evening, the Emperor attended a ball at the Summer Palace. At 11 p.m., an urgent telegram from Alekseyev arrived at the Summer Palace.

Nicholas II was shocked when he received the telegram. He said to his attendants, "The war has started without a declaration of war! Lord, please save us!"

Ironically, Alekseyev only sent a telegram to the Emperor himself, forgetting to even send one to the Ministry of War and the Ministry of the Navy. Around 10:30 PM, Army Minister Kuropatkin met with the Finance Minister at the office of Auditor General Ropko, learning from him of the Japanese attack on Port Arthur, as the Finance Ministry's commissioner in Port Arthur had sent a telegram to the Ministry.

Kuropatkin rushed to the Admiral Aveland, but the two waited until midnight without receiving any telegram, leading them to believe that the attack on Port Arthur was just a rumor. However, soon after, the Emperor sent them a telegram stating that he was on his way to St. Petersburg and requesting a royal conference the following day to discuss the Japanese attack on Port Arthur. Only then did the two realize that Japan had indeed attacked Port Arthur.

Since the Russian Empire did not have a cabinet, the Imperial Council was essentially equivalent to a cabinet meeting. As the center of all power in Russia, the Tsar could decide who to include in meetings that determined national policies, and he could also decide to exclude those people, regardless of their original positions. In other words, the power of the Russian ministers did not come from their positions, but depended on their closeness to the Tsar.

This is also why the adventurer Bezobrazov was able to steer Russia's Far East policy away from the path set by Prime Minister Witte, because he had the support of the Tsar and was able to overturn all established decisions.

The only attendees at this imperial conference were Grand Admiral Alexei, Navy Minister Aveland, Army Minister Kuropatkin, and Foreign Minister Ramsdorf, with General Abaza in charge of recording. Nicholas II's face was ashen at the meeting, not because of the attack on Port Arthur, but because he felt Japan had disrespected the Russian Empire and resorted to the despicable tactic of undeclared war.

According to Europeans, civilized people do not need to inform their prey of their actions when hunting, but when going to war with another civilized nation, they still need to announce the start of the war with a respectful attitude. Therefore, when Europeans expanded eastward, they almost never issued a declaration of war; they would only issue a sovereignty declaration, announcing that the land had been discovered and belonged to their country, and that non-European personnel should leave the land.

The Japanese actions were undoubtedly a sign of contempt for the Russian Empire, treating it as an uncivilized barbaric nation. This was intolerable to Nicholas II, as Western European countries also viewed Russia in the same way. Nicholas II felt that the Japanese had lowered the status of the Russian Empire and made it a laughing stock.

From this perspective, Nicholas II could not accept the consequences of being defeated by the Japanese. Those who participated in the imperial conference were all close advisors to Nicholas II, and they all saw the anger simmering within him. Therefore, Kuropatkin first presented the mobilization order for the five districts of the Western Siberian Military District and the Kazan Military District. Nicholas II quickly agreed and signed the order, which calmed him down somewhat.

However, subsequent discussions about the war in the Far East did not go so smoothly. Although the Trans-Siberian Railway had been opened, it would have taken at least 77 days to move a troop from Europe to Manchuria in 1900, but now it would only take 15 days. However, if equipment and other supplies were transported together, it would take at least a month.

Kuropatkin described the situation in the Far East to Nicholas II as follows: "We have approximately 65,000 troops in the Transbaikal, Amur, and Primorsky Krai regions."

We have approximately 290,000 troops in Manchuria, of which about 70,000 are stationed in northern Manchuria north of Changchun, and 30,000 are stationed in Harbin alone; about 30,000 troops in two divisions are deployed along the Yalu River, 30,000 troops are stationed in Haicheng, Liaoyang, and Shenyang, 30,000 troops are stationed in Kwantung Leased Territory, and the force deployed west of Jinzhou and Chaoyang has reached 100,000 troops in seven divisions…”

Kuropatkin omitted the fact that of the seven divisions that attacked Beijing, one and a half divisions were already on the casualty list, and another and a half divisions were waiting for them to come to their rescue. He only emphasized that "the Japanese army has 15 standing divisions with a strength of more than 200,000 men."

In other words, Japan was able to suppress our army in South Manchuria simply by relying on its regular divisions, because seven of our divisions were still engaged in combat with the Chinese and could not be used to fight the Japanese. Therefore, we had to strengthen our forces in South Manchuria to guard against a possible combined attack by China and Japan…

Of course, the best approach is to cease hostilities with China as soon as possible, and then focus on dealing with Japan.

Both the Foreign Minister and the Navy Minister supported Kuropatkin's proposal for a ceasefire with China. After all, China was merely prey to Russia; if they didn't fight today, they could fight tomorrow. Japan, on the other hand, was Russia's true adversary in the Far East. If Japan gained the upper hand in the war, Russia would not only lose the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, but also Primorsky Krai, Amur Krai, and other regions.

Nicholas II accepted the ministers' advice, but their concessions to China amounted to nothing more than a cessation of hostilities and a post-war consideration of returning the area south of Changchun to China, provided that Russia's southern branch railway and the status of the Kwantung Leased Territory were guaranteed. In other words, St. Petersburg attempted to bestow peace upon China without acknowledging the failure of its invasion of China.

At the Imperial Conference on June 14, Nicholas II approved the declaration of war drafted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On the same day, the official gazette prominently published the declaration of war on its front page. However, although the declaration pointed out Japan's treachery, it failed to satisfy the Russian right wing, as it lacked a sense of anger.

At this meeting, Kuropatkin was officially appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Far East Army. On the same day, Japanese newspapers finally published the "Announcement of Severing Communication with Russia," informing the public of the events of the past three days. They also reported that martial law would be declared within one or two days, that the Imperial General Headquarters had completed preparations, and published the full text of "The Beginning and End of the Japan-Russia Negotiations" released by Komura during his meeting with reporters the previous day.

The Tokyo Asahi Shimbun's editorial that day was titled "Nationwide Outrage," which defended the Japanese army's surprise attack on Port Arthur. The article "Korean Neutrality Invalid" used robber logic to explain the inevitability of the Japanese army's entry into Korea. The extra edition of "Great Victory in the Battle of Port Arthur" aroused the public's expectations for victory, and various social groups in Tokyo formed groups of 50 or 100 people to go to the Ministry of the Navy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to express their congratulations.

Yamamoto Kaisō finally got his moment in the spotlight, beaming as he addressed the congratulatory crowd. Ginza shops lit up with decorative lights, creating a festive atmosphere. In the evening, over two thousand students from Keio University held a torchlight parade.

That evening, the Japanese government finally issued a declaration of war, which was distributed throughout Tokyo in an extra edition. The proclamation used the phrases "preserve Korea" and "security" three times, and "the survival of Korea" four times in total, emphasizing that Japan was going to war with Russia for the sake of Korea and to preserve Korea.

Because the Chinese government did not request the Japanese government to join the war until the very last moment, the Japanese government could not intervene in the war under the pretext of protecting Manchuria, and could only declare war on Russia in the name of protecting Korea and maintaining order in East Asia.

However, Japan translated this imperial edict into English and sent it to various governments, including the Qing government, but notably omitted a copy from the Korean government. This was because Japan deemed it unnecessary to issue a declaration of war to Korea, and therefore did not send it. Thus, Korea, the very country Japan claimed it wanted to protect, had to learn the reasons for Japan's war with Russia from the Russians themselves.

On the same day, June 14th, Russian Pacific Fleet Commander Stark decided to abandon the Qinhuangdao landing operation and withdraw the entire fleet to Lushun. On the afternoon of June 10th, a Russian detachment arrived off the coast of Qinhuangdao. Stark then sent messengers to the Chinese troops on shore, demanding they surrender and cease resistance. This was, of course, opposed by the Qinhuangdao garrison.

On June 11, Stark dispatched auxiliary warships to conduct minesweeping. Since the Russian army did not have professional minesweepers, clearing a safe passage to Qinhuangdao was very slow. By the evening of June 12, the Russian army had not completed clearing the passage. However, the Russian warships carried out deterrent shelling of targets on the shore to prevent the Chinese army from interfering with the minesweeping operation.

In the early morning of June 13, Stark received a telegram informing him of the attack on Port Arthur. He immediately telegraphed back to inquire whether the landing operation should be abandoned and what the next step should be for his squadron. Initially, Alekseev did not immediately agree to abandon the operation. He attempted to first defeat the resistance of the Chinese army, forcing the Chinese and Russian forces to negotiate peace, and then focus all his efforts on dealing with the Japanese.

However, Stark repeatedly argued that this was nothing but wishful thinking, because they had not yet been able to completely clear a safe passage to the port of Qinhuangdao. If they continued to delay, the Japanese fleet and the landing force would be in danger once they attacked Qinhuangdao.

It wasn't until the afternoon of the 13th that Alekseev abandoned his plan to continue landing at Qinhuangdao. He agreed to send troop transport ships to Yingkou so that the troops could land there. However, he initially disagreed with Stark's squadron returning directly to Lushun, fearing that the Japanese fleet would ambush it at the junction of the Bohai and Yellow Seas.

However, Stark once again explained to Alekseev that the fleet could not obtain protection and supplies in Yingkou because Yingkou was not a naval port. Once they broke through the Laotieshan Channel, they would be under the protection of the coastal fortifications. Therefore, they could maneuver against the Japanese fleet in the waters off Lushun and return to port when the opportunity arose.

Stark further pointed out that even if the Japanese fleet completely blocked the route to Port Arthur, they would still have considerable room to maneuver once they entered the Yellow Sea. Whether they headed north to attack the Japanese mainland and then proceed to Vladivostok, or headed south to Shanghai for resupply, it would be better than being confined in the Bohai Sea. Alekseev ultimately accepted Stark's proposal, leading to the risky move by the Russian squadron through the Laotieshan Channel on the night of June 14th.

Chapter 374 Night Talk on Ship

From the Russian perspective, radio was invented by Alexander Stapanovich Popov, but Marconi simply obtained the patent first. The Russian Navy supported Popov's research on radio, thus putting it ahead of other navies in radio communication from the very beginning.

In his 1903 report to the Russian Imperial Navy, he first proposed concepts including radio reconnaissance, radio jamming, and counter-reconnaissance and counter-suppression of radio communications. Sadly, Popov died of a cerebral hemorrhage on January 13, 1906.

Large, populous countries like Russia are not lacking in geniuses, but under monarchical autocracy, once these geniuses die, the trends they set off cease. Many geniuses, failing to gain the favor of influential figures, are forced to squander their talents. Meanwhile, some charlatans and charlatans, having gained the respect of powerful figures, can even influence national policy.

The Russian Navy was not unaware of the importance of radio communication. After all, for an empire as vast as Russia, wired telegraphs obviously couldn't reach every corner of the empire, let alone its ships. However, Russia's industrial capacity limited the development of its radio program, and after losing a genius like Popov, the Russian Navy's radio program also came to a standstill.

This meant that even though the Russian Navy had a preliminary concept for the application of radio, the death of its leading figures and insufficient domestic industrial capacity prevented it from advancing this radio project. For example, many older warships in the Pacific Fleet were still not equipped with radios.

Of course, this was not originally a big problem. After all, radio had only been invented for a short time, and European countries all thought that it would be very useful to put radios on ships. However, even the British Navy was unable to equip all its warships with radio equipment. Therefore, unless there were some special circumstances, the lack of radio did not hinder the operation of the fleet.

However, crossing the Laotieshan Channel at night is a special case. The Laotieshan Channel stretches from the western corner of Laotieshan in the north to Beihuangcheng Island in the south, is 22 nautical miles wide, and has a general depth of 50-60 meters. It is the main waterway for seawater from the Yellow Sea to enter the Bohai Sea. Due to its unique topography, the maximum east-west current in this area has a speed of 6.25 knots, and there are many undercurrents.

Even crossing the waterway during the day would cause the fleet to lose its formation, let alone a nighttime incursion without lights. Stark chose the Laotieshan waterway instead of the waterways further south because it was the widest, making it impossible for the Japanese to completely close it off. In addition, the Laotieshan lighthouse provided guidance, preventing the scattered warships from losing their way.

However, the Bohai Sea is essentially China's inland sea, and there are already many Chinese fishing boats in this area. Russian warships are used to this and will not pay attention to these fishing boats as long as they do not get close. The Japanese Navy took advantage of this and disguised its spy ship as a fishing boat, and then used radio to transmit surveillance messages.

The Japanese Navy adopted a strategy of following the strong, so it developed in the same direction as the British Navy. When the British Navy said that radio communication was the future trend, the Japanese Navy naturally installed radios on its warships.

However, radio was not very reliable at that time, so the Japanese Navy never considered its use for radio reconnaissance, radio jamming, counter-reconnaissance and counter-suppression. They only intended it to be a communication tool to replace flag signals in the future.