Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 33

If Russia does indeed adopt such an offensive tactic, then its Far East navy will be effectively exposed to attack from our navy. Destroying Russia's Far East navy at the mouth of the Yangtze River is far better than attacking Port Arthur.

Secondly, there's the issue of the source of Russia's European navy. In this war, the British would inevitably side with us because the Russian navy, along with the French navy, would be a threat to Britain. Therefore, sending the Russian navy to Asia to perish together with our navy would be in the best interests of the British.

Russia had two navies in Europe: the Baltic Fleet and the Black Sea Fleet. The Baltic Fleet posed the greater threat to the British, while the Black Sea Fleet was essentially a toy for the Tsar as long as it couldn't enter the Mediterranean. Therefore, the British would certainly allow the Baltic Fleet to sail to Asia, but would prevent it from entering the Mediterranean to avoid a Russian attack on the Black Sea straits.

Since the British sought an alliance with our country, they naturally wouldn't side with the Russians in this war. Therefore, British colonies would likely not grant the Russian fleet the right to refuel. The Russian fleet needed to round the Cape of Good Hope to enter the Indian Ocean, then proceed to Southeast Asia, and finally East Asia. There weren't many places that could refuel it; in Africa, only French and German colonies were available, and in Southeast Asia, only Dutch and French colonies.

Cam Ranh Bay will inevitably be the last port of call for the Russian fleet before it enters East Asia. Our task is to utterly crush the Russian fleet here. Once the Russian Far East Fleet and Baltic Fleet are completely annihilated, and the Far East railway lines are occupied by the army, Russia will have no choice but to negotiate peace…”

Chapter 112 The Navy's Secret Meeting (Part 3)

After thinking for a moment, Ito Sukeyuki said, "But Cam Ranh Bay is French territory. If we fight the Russians in Cam Ranh Bay, will the French join in? Although the French Far East Fleet is not very strong, if it relies on Indochina to support the Russians, the Russians will actually have a stable forward base in Indochina."

Even though we are currently constructing a naval port in southern Taiwan, we can't possibly keep a constant watch on developments in the South China Sea. Intercepting the Russian fleet from entering Cam Ranh Bay in a timely manner will probably not be an easy task.

Yamamoto Gonbei glanced at Ito Sukeyuki, but ultimately remained silent. Ito's question indicated that he was considering the decisive battle at Cam Ranh Bay as a viable option. Although he also found the plan tempting, it involved too many factions and was therefore full of uncertainties. It would be safer to wait and see in the Tsushima Strait.

Lin Xinyi confidently said to Ito Sukeyuki, "This is why we need an anti-colonial alliance. Compared with the power of Europe and America in Southeast Asia, the local indigenous people are the largest force in this region. As long as we can organize them, there will be a tight surveillance network from Batavia to Singapore to Cam Ranh Bay to keep an eye on the maritime changes in this area."

Last year, Marconi achieved a transatlantic long-distance radio communication between Newfoundland, Canada, and Quinwall, England. This is how we were able to overcome the obstruction of powerful nations and build an instant communication network between Southeast Asia, Taiwan, and Japan.

I suggest that the navy should introduce and study the manufacturing process of radio stations, and then establish radio stations in the South China Sea and along the Chinese coast. If conditions permit, radio communication facilities should even be established on fishing boats in the region. In this way, we can monitor the naval forces in the South China Sea in real time, and if the enemy fleet's movements are completely undetectable to us, then we will have the power to launch an attack at any time.

Furthermore, although Indochina was a French colony, France could only control certain key points and the upper echelons; they could not possibly have complete control over the entire country. For example, the French could order the supply of coal and water to the Russian fleet, but this action would certainly not be carried out by the French, but by Vietnamese laborers.

We can support Vietnamese anti-colonial national forces in taking control of these dockworkers, then control the quality of coal supplied to the Russians, and even add explosives to their coal. The Russians can't possibly keep the laborers working under their noses. If conditions permit, we could even have Vietnamese guerrillas launch an attack on Cam Ranh Bay, a large commercial port with relatively weak defenses. Such an attack would further demoralize the Russians, thus increasing our chances of victory.

Finally, launching an attack on Cam Ranh Bay from Taiwan is still too far. I believe that after forming an alliance with China and helping China establish a naval base on Hainan Island, a fleet attack on Cam Ranh Bay from Hainan Island would be much more covert and sudden…”

Ito Sukeyuki was very satisfied with Hayashi Shin-yi's answer. At least he was satisfied with the plan to establish a radio communication network and launch an attack from Hainan Island, because the Russians would never have guessed these two points, and even the British would not have noticed the possibility that the Japanese fleet would launch an attack from the Chinese coast.

These two plans essentially solved the two major problems in the decisive battle at Cam Ranh Bay: how to determine the arrival time of the Russian fleet at Cam Ranh Bay, and where the fleet should depart from to capture the Russian fleet. With these two problems solved, the next question was how to fight, which naturally depended on the plans of the fleet's staff officers; after all, they couldn't let a student who hadn't even graduated from military academy command a large fleet.

However, Ito Sukeyuki was more satisfied with his attitude just now. Fortunately, he didn't question Hayashi Shin's idea too much, otherwise he would be the one who couldn't save face now. Sure enough, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had to speak up and question, "Radio communication network? Is that thing really reliable? If it's unreliable, it could plunge the Grand Fleet's attack into disaster."

Lin Xinyi bowed slightly to Minister Yamamoto and said, "Of course, new things are never perfect. We failed three times in trying to build the transatlantic cable. So what we need to do is perfect it as quickly as possible and make it reliable."

Another approach is to compensate for its unreliability with sheer numbers. Wireless telegraphy is always less expensive than wired telegraphy, so we can build more redundant stations. Even with a 50% failure rate, we can increase its reliability to 100% through sheer numbers.

However, in order to accurately analyze and judge this information, I believe the Navy should establish an Intelligence Comprehensive Analysis Office to analyze all collected intelligence before submitting it to the Naval General Staff for planning. This would allow the Naval General Staff to focus its efforts on planning rather than judging the veracity of intelligence.

Saigo Tsurumi finally spoke up, acknowledging, "This is indeed a good plan. I think the Naval General Staff can discuss it in detail. However, haven't you described the future of the Navy too simply? If possible, I would like to hear more."

Yamamoto finally fell silent. Saigo was, after all, his benefactor, and he couldn't go against his wishes at this time. Moreover, he hadn't gained the upper hand in his conversation with Hayashi Shinichi. If he used his power to intimidate Saigo, Saigo probably wouldn't ignore him.

Faced with Saigo's request, Hayashi Shinji thought for a moment and said, "The start of the Russo-Japanese War should be part of a strategic plan to strike at the global colonial system, so we cannot allow the army to sabotage this grand plan. In other words, the navy must take the lead in this war and correct any wrong judgments made by the army, thereby increasing the public's confidence in the navy."

Saigo Tsurumi was silent for a moment before saying, "I'm afraid that will be difficult to achieve. Even if I were in good health, it would be difficult to stand up to Yamagata and Oyama in front of the Emperor. Although I am somewhat ashamed, the Navy really has no ability to stop the reckless army."

Lin Xinyi, however, said with a relaxed expression: "Actually, it's not that difficult. I have an idea to teach the army a lesson, so that they can't compete for the initiative in this war, thus giving the navy the opportunity to form a cabinet and take the fruits of victory in this war."

Yamamoto Gonbei gave a mocking smile, but he said nothing, knowing this wasn't the time to criticize. Saigo was clearly defenseless against such topics. Sure enough, Saigo Tsurumi looked at Hayashi Shinichi with some eagerness and asked, "What kind of idea could make the army back down?"

Lin Xinyi said, "After Tokyo launched its metropolitan area plan last year, land prices have risen by nearly 70%. Farmland that used to be on the outskirts of Tokyo is now being sold at commercial land prices. It can be said that nowadays, Japanese property owners who don't buy a piece of land for investment are already out of touch with the times. This rise in land prices has begun to lose its rationality because Tokyo's industrial capital simply cannot support the ever-increasing land prices."

Saigo Tsugumichi nodded, but seemed to have a hint of schadenfreude in his smile as he said, "That is indeed a problem, but fortunately it's Ito-kun's problem. However, although Ito-kun comes from Choshu, it won't be so easy for him to link this matter to the army, will it?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him earnestly and said, "If the army wants to dominate this war, it will definitely incite hatred towards Russia among the people in the media. What we need to do is actually not much. We just need to follow the war atmosphere created by the army, then suppress land prices in Tokyo, and then drag those zaibatsu who are close to the army into the real estate crash. As long as the people believe that the army's purpose in launching the war is to help these zaibatsu suppress land prices in Tokyo and thus plunder the people's wealth, then the army will no longer be able to dominate this war."

"What the hell?" Yamamoto stared at Lin Xinyi in disbelief. Was this an attack on the army? This was practically a death sentence for the army. At this moment, he did indeed feel less disgust for Lin Xinyi and more apprehensive.

Ito Sukeyuki showed a slight hint of reluctance and said, "If the army finds out about this, they might see the navy as a mortal enemy, right?"

Lin Xinyi remained silent. If the navy was afraid of becoming the army's mortal enemy, why pursue the idea of ​​the navy as the master and the army as the servant? Everyone might as well just go to sleep. Saigo Tsugumichi was silent for a long time, but when he finally spoke, he said, "Won't having the navy lead the anti-colonial movement cause the great powers to be wary of the navy? We can't withstand the combined pressure from the great powers right now either."

Lin Xinyi casually remarked, "China should step forward. China itself is a victim of colonialism, and it was once the dominant power in Asia, so it has a responsibility to defend Asian security. Therefore, it is inevitable that they will continue to confront the great powers. If they take the lead in the anti-colonial movement, the great powers will not be able to hold Japan accountable."

What we need to do is guide China on how to organize anti-colonial struggles in various Asian countries and provide them with technical equipment and financial support. For example, the Chinese currently do not understand how to use guerrilla tactics to fight against the invasion of imperialist armies, and Japan can do some work in this area.

Drawing on the combat experiences of the Spanish resistance against Napoleon's army and the Boer War, and by establishing a naval academy on Etajima Island, inviting non-mainstream members of the army to teach these Asian compatriots from the colonies, this would both maintain internal factional struggles within the army and allow the army to share responsibilities.

"Oh, oh." Saigo Tsurudo could only nod. He suddenly realized that he had nothing left to ask. Looking at the two people beside him who remained silent, Saigo said gently to Hayashi Shinichi, "Your report today was perfect. Being able to hear such a report before leaving, I have nothing to worry about regarding the future of the Navy. If you have nothing to add, you can go now. I still need to talk to those two."

Lin Xinyi bowed deeply to Saigo and then took his leave. As the door closed again, no one spoke in the room. After a long while, Saigo broke the silence, saying, "Luckily I got him into the Navy. If he had joined the Army, would the Navy have been able to turn things around?"

Ito Sukeyuki nodded slightly in agreement, but Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was still troubled by Hayashi Shin'yō's plans for the army. He couldn't help but say, "Are we really going to give the army such a blow?"

After glancing at Saigo, Ito Sukeyuki said with a regretful yet firm expression, "As long as the Army doesn't hinder the Navy's grand plan, we won't go to such extremes..."

Chapter 113 Burial

"Huh?" Shi Laiqin sat by her brother's bedside, looking at him who had changed his mind again, feeling confused. To be honest, she wasn't particularly interested in adopting a daughter, but she would have agreed if her brother asked. However, her brother, who usually didn't go back on his word, was now hesitant, which surprised her greatly.

Saigo Tsurudo looked at his sister apologetically and said, "The reason I asked you to adopt Miss Muko as your daughter was that I hoped to use this relationship to gain a powerful ally for the Saigo family, so that I could at least leave in peace. However, it seems that my idea was not quite right. You can continue to adopt Miss Muko as your daughter, but I will no longer interfere with her marriage."

After a moment of silence, Ichiro Kotomi asked, "Is it because that young man isn't good enough?"

Saigo shook his head and said, "No, it's even better than I expected. However, the Saigo family has enough of one traitor; there's no need for another."

This was an unexpected answer, and Shi Laiqin couldn't help but ask curiously, "Why would such an outstanding young man become a traitor? Couldn't you have properly educated him?"

Saigo Tsugumichi looked at his sister and said, "He and my brother are the same kind of people. These kinds of people aren't attracted by official titles or money; they always put their ideals above everything else. While such people can achieve great things, they find it difficult to protect themselves in a country like Japan. Therefore, he won't become a vassal of the Saigo family..."

On the evening of July 18th, Saigo Tsurumi fell into a coma due to heart failure and never opened his eyes again. Hayashi Shin-ichi attended Saigo Tsurumi's farewell ceremony and was seated in the family section. Ichiro Moko, dressed in mourning clothes, sat beside him. Just the day before, Ichiro Kotoko had held a simple adoption ceremony, and Hayashi Moko was subsequently renamed Ichiro Moko.

For Lin Muzi, it was only after changing her name that she felt the subtle constraints surrounding her were finally lifted. No matter how much her adoptive mother valued her, she couldn't protect her from truly powerful figures. But after adopting the surname from the city, she realized that the attitudes of those around her had truly changed.

The only downside was that Ichira Kotomi no longer allowed her to stay at the Hama House and also restricted her meetings with Hayashi Shin-yi, reducing their opportunities for intimacy. However, what pleased Ichira Kotomi was that she could finally sit with Hayashi Shin-yi in such a public setting, which made her tolerate the rules set by Ichira Kotomi.

On the morning of the 21st, Saigo Tsurudo's body was placed in Tama Cemetery. After seeing Saigo Tsurudo off, Hayashi Shinichi was about to take a walk with Muko, but when he saw Ichira Kotoko standing behind Muko looking at him, he immediately changed his mind and said, "I also need to prepare to go back to Etajima. I will write to you when I get back."

Hearing this, Ichiro Koto averted her gaze and began talking to her relatives from Saigo. Muko, standing to the side, covered her mouth and chuckled, saying, "So you're that afraid of Madam Ichiro?"

Lin Xinyi blinked and then said seriously, "I mean, respect. Okay, it's really not a good time to go out and have fun, after all, you've just become their relative. Once I graduate and go back to Tokyo, we'll be free."

Mu Zi looked at him with some confusion and said, "Shouldn't you be going to work on a warship after graduation?"

Lin Xinyi gently held her hand and said, "I'm not suited for life on a warship. I'm used to, no, I want to live the life of an office worker in the city..."

"This kid, flirting with a girl at someone else's funeral, that's too bold." Tamura Iyozo couldn't help but feel a little envious when he saw this scene, because the girl standing in front of the boy was too charming.

Standing next to him, Oyama Iwao glanced at the young men and women over there and asked Tamura, "Which one is Togo Masamichi?"

Tamura, who had accompanied Oyama Iwao to see Saigo off, immediately turned to the other side and said, "The one standing to Ito Sukeyuki's left is Kawahara Yoichi, and the one next to Kawahara Yoichi is Togo Masamichi."

After observing for a while, Da Shanyan shook his head and said, "He doesn't look like a scholar."

Tamura stared at it for a while, then said definitively, "You see, Ito sent Kawahara away, leaving only Togo to talk on the side. It's clear he values ​​him highly. Oh, is that boy a relative of Kawahara?"

Distracted by Tamura, Oyama Iwao glanced at the boy who had left with Kawahara, then quickly looked away at Ito Sukeyuki and Togo Masamichi in the distance. After a long while, he finally admitted, "Appearances can be deceiving. It seems Ito does have a rather unusual impression of this Togo..."

Because of Kawahara Yoichi's invitation, Hayashi Shinichi had to reluctantly say goodbye to Muko and leave. In the carriage, Kawahara Yoichi said to him, "The minister stopped Togo and asked me to take you back to the hotel. Actually, he just wanted me to ask you if you have any ideas about establishing a comprehensive intelligence analysis department. If you do, you can say so."

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "I think the most important job of the comprehensive intelligence analysis department is to analyze intelligence. Therefore, the personnel in this department should be as young as possible, have a cautious and meticulous personality, be curious about new things, and most importantly, have the ability to think independently and not blindly follow their superiors. If the intelligence analysis department cannot produce an objective analysis report, then it is better not to set up this department."

Kawara Kaname rested his chin on his hand and thought for a moment, then looked up at Lin Xinyi and asked, "Are you sure this isn't a standard based on your own image? You plan to join this department after graduation?"

Lin Xinyi immediately nodded and said seriously, "The principal is indeed wise. Therefore, please set a higher salary for the members of this department and provide them with a housing allowance. I am all alone in Tokyo, and if my salary is not high, it will be difficult for me to go out with my girlfriend."

Kawahara Yoichi was speechless at Lin Xinyi's appearance, but this also solved one of his problems. As instructed by Ito Sukeyuki, he had come to persuade Lin to join the Naval General Staff after graduation. Although most people wouldn't have the right to be picky, some people could still decide where they wanted to go in the Navy.

Kawahara Yoichi breathed a sigh of relief, but his expression remained unchanged as he said, "That's good. You were the one who suggested creating this department, and no one else knows how to set it up. Do you have any other suggestions?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "I have quite a few ideas, but the most important thing right now is to establish one thing: this department should have the right to make recommendations."

Kawahara Yoichi said, somewhat puzzled, "The right to make suggestions? Isn't it normal to give a suggestion when submitting intelligence after it's been collected? Does this need to be emphasized?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and said, "The main form of the army's leadership over the sea is the army's right to make suggestions to the emperor after the establishment of the Imperial General Headquarters. Making suggestions and having the power to make suggestions are two different things."

The former can be regarded as a personal opinion, which others can ignore. However, the right to make suggestions represents the judgment of the intelligence analysis department. If the suggestion of the intelligence analysis department is rejected, then a real reason should be given, or the responsibility for the problems caused by the rejection should be borne.

Without this advisory authority, this intelligence analysis department is merely a mailroom; with it, the Ministry of the Navy or the Naval General Staff must show it respect. It can become a weapon in your hands, a channel for you to voice your opinions within the Navy.

"My weapon?" Kawahara looked at Lin Xinyi with some surprise, then quickly asked, "Do I still need this weapon?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and said, "Is it really not necessary? Only the Minister of the Navy can speak on behalf of the Navy. If the Naval General Staff does not have a powerful person as its minister, it is impossible to get the Ministry of the Navy to listen to its suggestions. This is the difference between having suggestions and not having the right to make suggestions."

Only when war breaks out can the Naval General Staff (NHK) issue orders to the Navy Ministry on behalf of the Emperor. Even if you are currently the Vice Minister of the NHK, you still cannot interfere with the work of the Navy Ministry. However, the intelligence analysis department can, and can record every suggestion for future review, which expands the NHK's power.

Kawahara Yoichi finally understood that this right to make suggestions was indeed quite useful. If the Ministry of the Navy did not listen to the suggestions and the Naval General Staff requested a post-event review, then the Ministry of the Navy could make a review directly at the meeting. This was actually a plan to restrain the Ministry of the Navy.

He finally nodded and said, "I understand. I will discuss this seriously with my subordinates when I get back..."

Kawahara wanted to take Hayashi Shin'ichi to the city, and at Hayashi Shin'ichi's request, he let him off the carriage. Having a rare half-day of nothing to do, Hayashi Shin'ichi didn't want to go back to the inn to idly wait, so he went to see Abe Isoo.

When they arrived at Abe Isoo's dormitory, they happened to run into him as he was leaving. Upon seeing Hayashi Shin-yi, Abe said to him, "Since we've run into each other, come with me to meet some friends."

Having nothing else to do, Lin Xinyi followed Anbu and they arrived at the office of a small newspaper called "Wan Chao Bao". Seeing Anbu leading a young boy into the office, the editors sitting in the large room all looked over curiously.

Abe introduced them to Hayashi Shinji: "Kotoku Shusui, Sakai Toshihiko, Uchimura Kenzo, Enjoji Tenzan, and Shiba Teikichi... they are all members of the Socialist Association."

Then Abe introduced him to the crowd: "Hayashi Shin-yi, the translator of the Chinese and Japanese versions of the Communist Manifesto. Don't you all want to meet him...?"

The editors finally became enthusiastic and stood up to greet Lin Xinyi, inviting him to sit down and talk.

Chapter 114 Legitimate Struggle

The Mancho News was Tokyo's most famous tabloid. It translated foreign mystery novels and was known as a yellow tabloid for exposing scandals in high society. While exposing these scandals, the newspaper inevitably developed sympathy for the proletariat, which was the main reason why its editors were all members of the Socialist Association.

Kotoku Shusui was most curious about Hayashi Shinji. By this time, he had recovered from the death of his mentor, Nakae Chōmin, and his expression had become much more cheerful. He greeted Hayashi Shinji and said, "I have read both the Japanese and Chinese versions you translated, but I think the Chinese version is more powerful. If you don't mind, I would like to publish your Japanese version in the Manchōhō newspaper after making some minor revisions."

Lin Xinyi readily accepted Kotoku Shusui's criticisms, because at least he had a memory of the Chinese version to compare it with, while the Japanese version was truly a re-creation. At this time, the Japanese was more similar to the reformed classical Chinese before the vernacular movement in China. Although it had become closer to spoken language and added many foreign loanwords, its core was still classical, not modern.

In this respect, Japan, lacking a New Culture Movement, is actually more conservative in its thinking than China. The current prosperity of tabloids in Japan is not without reason, because the educational development of the Meiji Restoration enabled a large number of lower-class people to acquire basic literacy skills, making them urgently need a window to understand the changes in their country and the world.

However, the illusory sense of happiness brought about by Japan's victory in the First Sino-Japanese War caused the country to lose its sense of urgency for further cultural change. This can be seen from the fact that the urban class is more interested in foreign detective novels than in Western rational thinking. The Japanese people now only want some light entertainment to fill their spiritual emptiness, rather than feeling the urgency that they cannot survive without revolution.

At the same time, the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance also tore off the last fig leaf of the Qing Empire. Now even the most ordinary people knew that the Qing Dynasty was not much better than the Indians, Koreans, and Egyptians. If things continued like this, China would become a colony of various countries, and everyone would become a subjugated people.

Stimulated by this situation, some intellectuals finally stopped trying to defend China's traditional culture and instead prioritized the defense of the country and the nation. As long as they could avoid becoming slaves of a conquered nation, they were willing to reject the Manchus, abandon Confucius, and even discard Chinese characters.

It was with this resolute stance that Chinese culture began a new round of transformation, with these intellectuals viewing the so-called national essence as a symbol of ignorance. The close integration of the Manchu Qing dynasty with Confucianism, namely the unity of ruler and teacher established by several Qing emperors from Shunzhi to Qianlong, led these intellectuals who sought to reform China to directly blame all the roots of backwardness on the Qing government. This created a concrete and tangible enemy for the new culture to confront.

Without such a defeatable enemy, China's New Culture Movement might not have achieved such tremendous success in such a short time. This is also why the Chinese imperial system could no longer exist after the Xinhai Revolution. Zhang Xun and Yuan Shikai's claim that the people still cherished the imperial system was, in reality, only the remnants of the old regime within the nationalist movement still longed for it. Even the old intellectuals who opposed the complete abolition of traditional culture had already abandoned the imperial system, because it had become a symbol of opposition to social progress, and opposing social progress meant turning everyone into slaves of a conquered nation.

However, in Japan, due to the social progress brought about by the Meiji Restoration and the victory in the First Sino-Japanese War, traditional Japanese culture was seen as the national essence that enabled Japan to keep up with the new era. Faced with this theory, national essence became the key to protecting Japan's survival, and those intellectuals who attempted to change traditional Japanese culture were seen as lackeys of Westerners.

The so-called Meiji Restoration did not actually cause any discontent among the Japanese people towards the ruling class, because for over a thousand years the emperor had never had the power to rule personally, and the shogunate was essentially an opening-up government, while the four powerful domains that led the overthrow of the shogunate were the conservatives. It was only during the Meiji Restoration that lower-ranking samurai, who had been sent abroad by their lords to study, saw the changes in the world and believed that opening the country was the only way forward. Therefore, they seized control of the four powerful domains and ultimately achieved the bloodless surrender of Edo.

Therefore, while the Bakushogunate War appears to be a victory for the four powerful domains over the shogunate, it was in reality a victory for the opening-up faction over the isolationist faction. Consequently, the Japanese people did not harbor much resentment towards the shogunate, because the shogunate did not oppose enlightenment. Rather, it was Emperor Komei, representing the imperial court, who was the true representative of the opposition to enlightenment. He opposed the shogunate's opening-up policy and also opposed the insubordination of the four powerful domains. He then died under mysterious circumstances. Emperor Meiji, who succeeded him, wisely complied with the demands of the opening-up faction from the Choshu and Satsuma domains and formed a new government dominated by the opening-up faction.

Under the propaganda of nationalists, the imperial court became the representative of the opening-up faction, while the shogunate became the representative of the opposition to enlightenment. Through decades of rewriting the facts of the anti-shogunate war, these nationalists have successfully altered the memory of the Japanese people, making everyone believe that the reason why the shogunate fell was because it refused to obey the imperial court's orders to open the country.

Under such relentless smear campaigns, Ii Naosuke, who advocated for the signing of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between Japan and the United States, was portrayed as an ignorant and anti-civilization diehard—a tactic later adopted by a certain country. However, the Chinese, having experienced the New Culture Movement, scoffed at this approach, leading to a farcical situation: someone was relentlessly smeared for 40 years, yet remained a rising star, while some others, within years of the advent of the internet, were forced to resort to information censorship to defend the face of their ancestors.

While pondering the origins of modern Chinese and Japanese cultural thought, Hayashi Shin-yi responded to Kotoku Shusui's request in this way: "Sir, you are the author of the investigative report 'Strange Tales of the Northern Qing's Arrests,' aren't you? I have read your writing, and I believe it is appropriate for you to revise the Japanese version of the Communist Manifesto. I am merely a beginner and have not yet grasped the essence of translation. However, could you allow me to offer a small suggestion on how to publish the Communist Manifesto?"

Kotoku Akisui looked at Hayashi Shinichi and shook his head, saying, "No, I think your Chinese translation is very good. It has a kind of inspiring spirit contained in the text. The problem with the Japanese version is that it lacks that fighting spirit. I just wanted to let the Japanese people also appreciate that spirit, so I wanted to revise it a bit. It's not that your Japanese translation is bad. As the first translator, you can certainly offer your suggestions, but I need to consider them before deciding whether to approve them."

Lin Xinyi had to admit that anyone who leaves their mark on history must have extraordinary abilities. At least, Kotoku Shusui's assessment of his Japanese translation was quite accurate. When translating the Chinese version, he thought of struggle, but he didn't consider whether it would be opposed by the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, the Chinese translation was almost identical to the final version in later generations.

However, he was much more cautious when translating the Japanese version. Because the country's system still existed, overly aggressive resistance was clearly dangerous, so the Japanese version was much more moderate. Kotoku Shusui, being more focused on scholarly research, naturally noticed the problems with the Japanese version immediately.

After Lin Xinyi nodded his thanks to the other party, he said, "As for revising the Japanese version, I think Xingzhi is the most suitable person. However, regarding how to publish the Communist Manifesto, I think it is better to criticize rather than simply promote it."

"Criticize the Communist Manifesto?" Editors such as Kotoku Shusui and Sakai Toshihiko looked at Hayashi Nobuyoshi or Abe with puzzled expressions. They originally thought that Abe had also brought a supporter of socialism, but Hayashi Nobuyoshi, who had translated the Communist Manifesto, proposed to criticize the Manifesto, which made them somewhat unable to understand.

Lin Xinyi calmly said, "The biggest problem right now is introducing socialist ideas to the Japanese working class. But if we want to introduce such a foreign idea to the Japanese and tell them that this is the best choice for Japan, I think it will definitely provoke opposition from conservative forces and zaibatsu. They may use legal means to prohibit us from promoting socialist ideas, or they may use rumors and slander to deceive the public into believing that socialism is a bad idea of ​​getting something for nothing."

Therefore, before these conservative forces and zaibatsu (financial conglomerates) can react, we should first, on their behalf, launch a thorough critique of the Communist Manifesto. What the enemy supports is necessarily what we must oppose. The Japanese working class will come to understand what socialist ideology is because of the zaibatsu's aversion to it.

Furthermore, propaganda that criticizes the Communist Manifesto can legitimize the promotion of socialist ideology. For contemporary Japanese people, it's more important to first let them know that such an ideology exists than to tell them it's correct. Because they themselves will use this ideology to weigh the interests of their own class, and thus quickly accept it…”

After seeing Abe and Hayashi Nobuyoshi off, Sakai Toshihiko and the others asked Kotoku Shusui, who was standing at the window, "What do you think of Hayashi Nobuyoshi's suggestion?"

After a moment of silence, Kotoku Shusui turned his gaze from the window to his companions and said, "While I advocate for direct confrontation, sometimes employing strategies is acceptable. I think we can do it this way..."

After accompanying Lin Xinyi out of the newspaper office and walking down a long alley, Anbu couldn't help but ask the boy beside him, "When you suggested that Xingde and the others change the style of their articles, did you think the government would take a prohibitive stance against socialist thought?"

Looking at the bustling pedestrians on the street, Lin Xinyi felt a sense of melancholy. The streets and alleys left over from the Edo period were clearly somewhat outdated after the industrial development. Although he felt a sense of melancholy, he said without thinking, "Professor Abe should have noticed this when he was teaching at the Naval Academy. If it weren't based on an analysis of the societies of the Western powers, the Navy would never let you teach socialist theory."

From the military's perspective, socialist theory is a solution, a way to solve problems; it cannot be an ideology. Because such an ideology would destroy Japan's foundation. This country nominally belongs to the Emperor and the people, but in reality, it belongs to the military. The military's position is the government's position. If supporters of socialism cannot learn legitimate means of struggle, then it could easily become the Ansei Purge of this era…”

Chapter 115 Krupp

On June 17, Frederick Alfred Krupp, the second-generation president of Krupp who had been expelled by the Italian government, arrived in Shanghai on his yacht. Although the long journey was quite arduous, it greatly invigorated him, and he felt that he had been reborn during the trip.

1901 was a particularly unfortunate year for him. The previous autumn, the Italian government suddenly accused him of misdeeds on the island of Capri and threatened to imprison him. Fritz Krupp used various connections to lobby and pressure the Italian government, and finally, after a six-month investigation, the Italian High Military Court concluded the case in the spring of 1902.

The Italian government demanded that Fritz Krupp leave Italy and never return. Fritz Krupp accepted the agreement, boarded his yacht, and left Italy, hoping to leave this nightmare there forever. In Germany, homosexuality is a violation of Article 175 of the Civil Code, and if the news were made public, the Social Democratic Labour Party members would certainly spare no effort to discredit him.

He had originally planned to return to Essen to see his two daughters, Shih Chin-ling, for Easter, but then Siemens sent him a telegram inquiring about his interest in participating in the construction of a city in China. After a long night of contemplation, Fritz Krupp made a risky decision: to leave Europe and let time heal all wounds.

Fritz Krupp did not immediately set off for inland China. He was captivated by the city of Shanghai and told his private secretary, Artoni Cohen, "This is the real Sodom. Here, no one cares about your personal life. I love this city."

On July 18, at the repeated urging of Wilhelm Siemens, Fritz Krupp finally boarded his yacht again, and a week later Fritz arrived in Hankou. The German consul in Hankou gave the arrival of this German industrial emperor a very high-level reception.

Fritz said to the German consul who came to greet him, "I would prefer this to be a private trip. I haven't made up my mind yet about whether to invest in China. So please don't spread the news of my arrival."